falfe Patriots proceed on felf-interefted principles, yet their oppofition is feldom groundless.

With refpect to our Author. he feems to be a thorough-paced Courtier, though he artfully affects vaft zeal for Liberty, which he defines by a kind of Logic peculiar to himfelf. Private Liberty," he fays, is neither changed nor transferred by the inftitution of public Liberty, no more than men are changed by the inftitution of fociety. Private Reafon,' he adds, is continued in public Law. < Private Will is continued in public Confent.' This, indeed, would be true, if the feveral parties who firft confented to what he calls the inftitution of public Liberty, were ftill exifting. But in their defcendants, the private will of individuals, &c is only implied, not continued, in public confent.

Notwithstanding all our Author's Sophiftry, he will never be able to destroy the obvious diftinction between natural and political Liberty: and, in truth, it is always a fign that a Writer does not mean fairly, when he attempts to be uncommonly fubtle.

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Art. 13. A fhort but true Hiftory of the Rife, Progress, and happy Suppreffion of feveral late Infurrections, commonly called Rebellions, in Ireland. In a Letter to his Grace the D- of N. By a Freeman. 8vo. 6d. Dublin printed, London re-printed, Burd.

An ingenious ferio-comic Vindication of the people of Ireland; occafioned by the late disturbances in Dublin, with a retrospective defence alfo, of their behaviour in regard to the memorable Election for that city, in 1749, when Mr. Lucas was obliged to fly the kingdom, and when Mr. Latouche was, in fo extraordinary a manner, deprived of his Seat in the House.

The Author is likewife very pleafant upon the Rebellion, as he ironically ftiles it, of 1753 which, fays he, was happily extinguished without hedding a fingle drop of civil blood. The Speaker,' adds he, was made a Peer, with a finall penfion of 2000l. a year for thirty years; the depofed Mafter of the Rolls was made Secre. tary of State, with an addition of 1000l. a year to the falary. The late rejected rebellious Prime Serjeant was made Chancellor ' of the Exchequer, with a like addition to his pay; the rebellious Penfioners had their former wages reftored, or exchanged for more lucrative employments; and the Gentlemen of the Sword got higher commiffions, as far as Governments or Staffs. All this is 'known (continues the Author) to the principal board at which your Grace prefides. Some think it no fmall encouragement to 'fuch infurrections; but the Government is the best Judge.'

With regard to the late tremendous Infurrection, as the Writer, in ridicule, terms it,-after having traced its rife, progrefs, and fuppreffion,-he, like an honeft Advocate for his country, towards the conclufion, thus expreffes himself.

I hope I fhall never fee the people denied the privilege of uttering their grievances, or affembling, and civilly telling the MemAbers their jealoufes and fears, and general fentiments, concerning REV. Feb. 1760.

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any matter depending before Parliament.'-However, he feriously, and, we doubt not, fincerely difclaims the least defire to countenance riotous or unlawful affemblies, especially near the Parliament House, in time of feffion. He allows, that the people, in the late commotion, ran into fuch exceffes as were not to be defended; yet at the fame time, he appears thoroughly convinced, that their anger was not without caufe: but for better explanation of this, we refer to the pamphlet.

Art. 14. Abraham Trueman's Letter to James the Scribe. Dublin printed, London reprinted, for Burd. 8vo. 6d.

This may be understood in Dublin, but it feems altogether unintelligible here.

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Art. 15. Answers to the Queries in Defence of the Malt Diftillery. Wherein that Matter is attempted to be fated clearly and briefly, with respect to the Trading and Landed Intereft of Great Britain and her Colonies: And fome Conclufions drawn, that may be much more useful to the Public at this Time, than the Queries that produced them. 4to. Is. Payne.

The violent contest which has fometime fince fubfifted with regard to the Malt Distillery, is one among other lamentable inftances, how far the oppofition of private interell is capable of exciting animofity in fordid minds, and of difpofing them to prejudice their Opponents, and impofe upon the public, by laboured mifreprefentations.

The real merits of this Controverfy feem, in our opinion, to lie in a very narrow compafs: for if the drinking of fpirituous liquors is, as it is generally allowed to be, unwholefome, certainly that kind of Distillery which furnishes them at the cheapest rate, mult be most prejudicial.

With respect to the Queries in defence of the Malt Distillery, they are, we think, very fully and clearly anfwered in the treatife before us. The Anfwerer infilts, that the fpirits endued with balfamic qualities, are lefs noxious than common Malt Spirit, which has no fuch quality. That as Sugar, Melaffes, and Spirits are only Luxuries, it is for the advantage of the trading as well as the landed Interest, to keep their price as high as may be, provided they are not fo dear as to encourage fmuggling; while, on the other hand, Corn, and every other neceffary of life, fhould be, for the fame reafon, cheap therefore to propofe the Distillation of Malt instead of Sugar, in order to raife the price of Grain, is in effect to propofe the making of Luxuries cheap, and Neceffaries dear.

Our limits will not permit us to ftate thefe Queries and Answers at large; and, indeed, it would in fome measure be needlefs, as many of the Queries are totally foreign from the material point of confideration. But to thofe who are defirous of a more particular acquaintance with this fubject, we recommend the perufal of this

* The Queries were published in the News-papers.

pamphlet,

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pamphlet, which will enable them to form a juft judgment of the dispute.

R-a Art. 16. Full Anfwers to Mr. My's Queries in Defence of the Malt Diftillery, fhewing it to be both a religious and political Sin to diftil Spirits from Corn, intended to fave Millions. 8vo. Is. Scott.

These are other Anfwers to the fame Queries: but they are by no means fo copious, fo fenfible, and fatisfactory as the foregoing ones.

R-d Art. 17. An Oration delivered before an Audience of Distillers. By Baalzebub. 8vo. 6d. Scott.

This devilish Orator attempts to be very droll and pleasant on the fubject of the Malt Diftillery; but, by the name he has affumed, he feems to be very little acquainted with infernal characteristics. For of all the Devils, we believe, Baalzebub is least renowned for wit and humour. But; to give the Devil his due, our Orator does not appear fo much out of character as one might fuppofe; for he difplays no more wit than Baalzebub did humility. In fhort, the filly conceit of this pamphlet, which is fpun out to thirty eight pages, is a Decree fuppofed to be made by Satan, which ordains- That out of "every hundred of Diftillers that arrive from Great Britain, one shall 'be chofen by lot, who shall have exercised the trade of a Distiller, at leaft five years before his arrival in the regions of darkness, to be "one of the Lords of his Court, and of his Privy-council, until the ' number of one thousand, at leaft, fhall be fo enobled from that profeffion; fo refpectable among the fallen Angels, and thofe of 'the children of men, that love darknefs rather than light.'

R-d Art. 18. The true State of the British Malt Distillery. Being a Defence of Mr. M-wb-y's Queries. In which is shown the great Importance of that Trade to the Landholders of Great Britain. And the prefent Dispute between the Malt Difliller and Sugar Planter is fully opened and explained. In a Letter to a Member of Parliament. By a British Freeholder. 8vo. Is. Stephens.

Though this Writer profeffes that he is no otherwife interested in the Difpute than as a British Freeholder, yet it requires but a moderate share of difcernment to perceive that he has not taken all this pains without fome immediate advantage, or the profpect of feme remote benefit. He apparently leans throughout to the fide of the Malt Distillery, and has either purpofely or inadvertently omitted to take notice of many cogent arguments in the Afwers to the Queries. By fome claffical applications, we are inclined to fuppofe him a man of erudition; and there is a certain vivacity in his file, which, confidering the dryness of the fubjest, renders his pamphlet not wholly unentertaining; but we can by no means allow him to be a close and methodical Reafoner.

As this matter will shortly undergo the determination of the Legislature, we shall not enter into the merits of the Question. We will only repeat what we observed in general before, that if Gin is allowed to be generally pernicious, and it is to be had cheapest by means of the Malt Distillery, this, to us, feems a powerful reason for continuing the prohibition. R-d

Art. 19. Remarks on a Pamphlet, entitled, Reasons why the approaching Treaty of Peace fhould be debated in Parliament, c. In a Letter to the Author. 8vo. 6d. Cooper.

This Remarker profeffes that he has no objection to the matter of the Pamphlet he undertakes to answer, but to the manner only: and he declares himself to be highly offended with the Author of the Reasons, &c. for his having addreffed One Grat Man only, contrary to the example of a late Letter-Writer, who addreffed himfelf to Two Great Men. The Remarker, after paying fome compliments to the abilities of the Author of the firft-mentioned Pamphlet, adds, that he could not be ignorant of the impropriety of fuch a mode of separate addrefs, and concludes, therefore, that he muft have a defign which is not avowed; the black, fays he, and malignant design of a faction. In truth, however, he does not produce even the least colourable argument to countenance fuch an imputation. But in the next article, the Author, who is very capable of answering for himself, fpeaks in his own defence. R-d

Art. 20. Minifterial Ufurpation Difplayed, and the Prerogatives of the Crown, with the Rights of Parliament, and of the Privy-Council confidered. In an Appeal to the People. 8vo. Griffiths.

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A spirited and masterly reply to the above Remarks. The Author eftablishes a very juft diftinction between the feveral capacities of Minifter and Privy Courfellor. He obferves, that the great Officers of State have no right, in their minifterial capacity, to interfere with the general direction of public affairs, out of their feveral departments. It is as Privy-Counsellors alone, fays he, that they are intitled to interfere with the general administration of national concerns In the next place, he clearly juftifies his mode of addrefs, by fhewing that he addreffed the Great Man merely in his minifterial capacity: and he adds, that it does not become any one to fuppofe, that Two Great Officers of State, by their power and influence, share the government of this nation. He then proceeds to expose the fatal confequences which may enfue from ministerial ufurpation, which, he obferves, can only be prevented by eftablishing the due and conftitutional influence of the Parliament, &c. in the national councils. This leads him to offer farther and very cogent reafons, why the ap. proaching Treaty fhould be debated and concluded in Parliament. In the next place, he makes a very nice and accurate application of the following paffage from Montefquieu.

• Montefquieu,

Montefquieu, (fays he) very judiciously diftinguishes between the Liberty of the Conftitution and the Liberty of the Citizen.The firft, he justly obferves, confifts in the juft Diftribution of • Power among the three Orders of State: but the fecond depends on the real fecurity of the fubject, or on the opinion which every one • entertains of his safety.'

It may happen that the Conftitution may be free, and yet the Citizen may not be fo. The Citizen likewife may be free, and the In fuch cafes, the Conftitution will be free by right, but not in fact: and the Citizen will be free in fact, but not by right.

• Conftitution may not.

Liberty, with regard to the Conftitution, depends on the due ex⚫ercife of fundamental laws: but with respect to the Citizen, prevailing manners, morals, and examples may give it existence.

It is obfervable that Montefquieu has exactly described our prefent condition. Our Conftitution is free by right, but not in fact: as Citizens we are free in fact, but not by right.

The encroachment of paft minifterial ufurpation has destroyed the liberty of the Conftitution; the morals and good examples of the Sovereign and prefent Ministry, have preferved the liberty of 'the Citizen.

But oh! I must again repeat it, how precarious is that liberty which depends on the perfonal virtues of it's Magiftrates? As they cannot answer for the abilities and inclinations of their fucceffors, if we do not fecure our Freedom in point of right as well as fact, it my probably expire with our prefent Governors.'

The ingenious Author then obviates fome objections, which may be made to the mode of negociation he recommends: and concludes with most fenfible and pathetic remonftrances, against the unconftitutional exertion of minifterial influence.

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Art. 21. Reafons for not reftoring Guadaloupe at a Peace. In a Letter addreffed to the Right Honourable the Earl of Hallifax, firft Lord Commiffioner of Trade and Plantations, &c. In Anfwer to certain Animadverfions contained in a Letter to Two Great Men. 8vo. Is. Williams.

If this Atthor would but have faid, I am of opinion, for reafons alledged by former writers, that Guadaloupe ought not to be restored at a peace,'- he would, in the fe few words, have expreffed the fubftance of all that he has written in forty-fix pages. We are the more furprized at the gentleman's taking all this trouble, fince he modeftly premises in his introduction, that The vanity of being distinguished as an Author, has been no inducement to him to take his pen into his hand : - He has feen enough of the world, (he adds) to despise all vanity, and knows no ambition but that of APPEARING to be a true Protestant and an honest Englishman? Poor meek foul! We are concerned, however, that he should so publicly acknowlege that all his ambition is to fave appearances advise him for the future, however, always to keep in mind the following reflection, Malo effe quam videri.

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