terested in the characters and events, to have a lively fentiment of blame or praife; and, at the fame time, have no particular interest or concern to pervert their judgment. Veræ voces tum demum pectore ab imo Lucret. ESSAY [61] ESSAY VIII. Of the INDEPENDENCY of PARLIAMENT. I conduct of the entry and cova, y parties, that the HAVE frequently obferv'd, in comparing the former are commonly lefs affuming and dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make conceffions; and tho' not, perhaps, more fufceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear contradiction than the latter; who are apt to fly out upon any oppofition, and to regard one as a mercenary defigning fellow, if he argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any conceffions to their adverfaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have obferv'd, who has been much in companies where political queftions have been difcufs'd; though, were one to ask the reafon of this difference, every party would be apt to affign a different one. Gentlemen in the Oppofition will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which, being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the conftitution, cannot eafily endure fuch doctrines, as are of pernicious confequence to liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind of the clown mention'd by lord Shaftsbury. " A "clown, 66 66 clown, fays that * excellent author, once took a fancy to hear the Latin difputes of doctors at an "university. He was afk'd what pleasure he could "take in viewing fuch combatants, when he could 66 never know fo much, as which of the parties had "the better." For that matter, reply'd the clown, "I a'n't fuch a fool neither, but I can fee who's the firft “that puts t'other into a paffion. Nature herself dic"tated this leffon to the clown, that he who had the "better of the argument would be easy and well-hu"mour'd: But he who was unable to fupport his "cause by reason, would naturally lose his temper, " and grow violent." To which of these reasons fhall we adhere ? To neither of them, in my opinion; unless we have a mind to inlist ourselves, and become zealots in either party. I believe I can affign the reafon of this different conduct of the two parties, without offending. either. The country party are plainly most popular at prefent, and, perhaps, have been fo in most adininiftrations: So that, being accuftom'd to prevail in company, they cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are as confident on the public favour, as if they were fupported in all their fentiments by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand, are commonly so run down by popular talkers, that if you fpeak to them with any moderation, or make them the fmalleft concef. fions, they think themselves extremely beholden to you, and are apt to return the favour by a like mo* Miscellaneous Reflections, p. 107. deration deration and facility on their part. To be furious and paffionate, they know, would only gain them the character of Shameless mercenaries; not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party. them. IN all controverfies, we find, without regarding the truth or falfhood on either fide, that those who defend the establish'd and popular opinions, are always the most dogmatical and imperious in their ftile: While their adverfaries affect a most extraordinary gentlenefs and moderation, in order to foften, as much as poffible, any prejudices that may lye against Confider the behaviour of our free-thinkers of all denominations, whether they be fuch as decry all revelation, or only oppofe the exorbitant power of the clergy; Collins, Tindal, Fofler, Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good-manners, with the furious zeal and fcurrility of their adverfaries, and you will be convinc'd of the truth of my obferva tion. A like difference may be cbferv'd in the conduct of thofe French writers, who maintain'd the controverfy, with regard to ancient and n.odern learning. Boileau, Monfieur & Madame Dacier, Abbe de Dos, who defended the party of the ancients, mix'd their reafonings with fatyre and invective: While Fontenelle, la Motte, Charpentier, and even Perrault never tranfgrefs'd the bounds of moderation and good-breeding; tho' provok'd by the most severe railleries of their adverfaries. I AM I AM led into this train of reflection, by confidering fome papers wrote upon that grand topic of court-influence, and parliamentary dependence, where, in my humble opinion, the country party, befides vehemence and fatyre, fhew too rigid an inflexibility, and too great a jealoufy of making conceffions to their adverfaries. Their reasonings lofe their force, by being carry'd too far; and the popularity of their opinions has feduc'd them to neglect, in fome measure, their juftness and folidity. The following reasoning will, I hope, ferve to justify me in this opinion. POLITICAL writers have establish'd it as a maxim, That in contriving any fyftem of government, and fixing the feveral checks and controuls of the conftitution, every man ought to be fuppos'd a knave, and to have no other end, in all his actions, but private intereft. By this intereft we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him co-operate to public good, notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition. Without this, fay they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages of any conftitution, and fhall find, in the end, that we have no fecurity for our liberties or poffeffions, except the good-will of our rulers; that is, we shall have no fecurity at all. 'Tis therefore a juft political maxim, That every man must be fuppos'd a knave: Though, at the fame. time, it appears fomewhat ftrange, that a maxim fhould be true in politics, which is falfe in fact. But to fatisfy us on this head, we may confider, that men |