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spent. So that at the time of the publication of his pilgrimage Christian had probably been created at least some six years. The Second Part of the work was certainly not written till the wide popularity of the First suggested it. In this case there could be no hesitation as to printing and publishing; so that we may believe it was not written, or finished, till 1683 or 1684. In the latter year it was given to the world. There was then an interval of at least some twelve years between the composition of the two parts. Something may certainly be gathered as to Bunyan's development by comparing these representatives of two periods of his life. The difference is in many respects very striking. But obviously what the volume before us suggests, is not so much this contrast between the First and Second Parts, as the difference between the early editions of the First Part.*

Messrs. Unwin, the printers of the volume, inform us that the following are additions that appear in the second issue of 1678:

"The paragraph descriptive of Bunyan's revealing his distress to his family, and of their bearing towards him; the interruption and turning aside of Christian by Mr. Worldly Wiseman (the former being represented in the first edition as going direct to the Wicket-gate from the Slough of Despond), and all the references to this incident; the interview between Charity and Christian at the Palace Beautiful; the meeting of Christian and Faithful with Evangelist, just previous to their entering Vanity Fair; the list of quaint names, descriptive of the relatives of Byends; the narrative relating to Lot's wife; and the conversation between Giant Despair and his wife Ditfidence."

Seven noticeable additions. Messrs. Unwin further inform us that "the characters

designated Mr. Hold-the-world, Mr. Moneylove, and Mr. Save-all, appear for the first time in the third edition." All subsequent— eight editions were published before Bunyan's death, in 1638-changes are confined to orthography, grammar, and idiom, and the addition of fresh notes."

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Thus we learn that the Pilgrim's Progress,

no mere

in the shape in which we have it, was no rapidly improvised production, but beyond doubt the fruit of " poetic pains" prolonged and incessant. Like Romeo and Juliet and Hamlet, it is a growth-an inspiration slowly ripened and perfected so far as might be-a thing whose beauty and joy are accidents, however divine, but the immortal results not only of an overflowing spontaneity but of a faithful loving toil, and a perpetual considerate cherishing. We see that Bunyan was a true artist, not a mere creature of impulse; that he too, with all his ignorances, had in him a fine sense of perfection; that he ever saw before him an ideal towards which he still stretched with devotion his rudeseeming hands, and the light of whose face broke and dispersed the shadows that threatened to close in upon his much-tried soul.

To learn so much about him-to see that he was ever docile as well as ever aspiring, and conscious that his work might be bettered and amended-is indeed something. But it was known, even before the copy of

*For a more minute account of the additions see Godwin and Pocock's edition of the Pilgrim's Progress, illustrated by H. C. Selous (London, 1844).

the first edition was discovered, that in the second edition the work was not as we have it. It did not contain, for instance, the Byends passage. What we can now see for ourselves are differences between the first and second editions.

At least this is what we might see, if the facsimile copy before us was what it professes to be. But we are surprised to find it is not. It contains several passages that we are assured are not in the first edition. Thus the conversation between Christian and Mr. Worldly Wiseman is inserted, which appears first in the second edition. This interpolation is admitted and explained-unsuccessfully-in the preface. But we find also in this so-called facsimile the passage in which Christian unbosoms himself to his family, and that in which his interview with Charity is described, which, as we have seen, the printers assure us are not in the first edition. And the volume is illustrated with woodcuts which most certainly do not belong to the first edition. So what is the present volume? It is a facsimile of nothing that ever existed.

That its character should be so anomalous

is the more to be regretted because the workmanship is otherwise so very satisfactory. It would be a pity that such a fine piece of typography should go for nothing should be summarily dismissed to that limbo which Milton describes-a sort of huge waste-paper basket placed by the side of the World. We suggest that the publisher should issue along with every copy an exact record of the deviations of the volume from what it purports to be. That such a record should be necessary implies a distinct mistake, but the putting it out may just prevent the mistake that has certainly been committed from being fatal. Without such a record we recommend the book to no one except to those who do not care to know particularly what it is they are reading. And in this case our recommendation would probably be in vain, for such persons would surely prefer a mo

dernised version.

praiseworthy. It could not well be otherwise, The reprint of the Second Part is more because in it no changes at all were made in the narrative. It was first published in 1684, a second time two years later, and in 1688 Bunyan died.

nised.

We have no space now to speak of other matters concerning the author of the Pilgrim's Progress. We will only just say, with regard to his sources, that we think his indebtedness to old romances circulating in popular shapes has not yet been sufficiently recogIt is especially noticeable in the Second Part. What is Mr. Greatheart but one of the old knights sans peur et sans reproche-a Sir Guy or Sir Bevis-in new surroundings? One thing more. Many who discuss Bunyan's material write as if the idea of pilgrimage was as extinct in Bunyan's age as in our own, or rather, perhaps, as it was in our own till its late grotesque revival. In fact, the recollection of the custom must have been quite fresh in Bunyan's boyhood. His own grandfather might have gone on pilgrimage in the good old fashion. The old tinker, as he probably was, may have formed a not unuseful item in just such a throng as Chaucer portrays in that never-fading picture. J. W. HALES.

Sketches and Studies, Descriptive and Historical. By Richard John King, B.A., Exeter College, Oxford, Author of a Handbook for the Cathedrals, &c. (London: John Murray, 1874.)

IN the process of amassing materials for a complete manual such as Murray's Cathedrals of England and Wales, an observant author could not fail to discriminate curiosities of travel, literature and research, excellently fitted to supply stock for "quarterly articles." And Mr. King's penchant for noting down the folk-lore and memorabilia of a diocese, a county or a cathedral town, with a host of curious collateral scraps of learning, in the course of his solid task, has borne a sort of by-fruit from time to time in papers and essays, as popular on their appearance in the Quarterly or Fraser, and as worthy, in their line, of being afterwards collected into a volume, as the gossip and anecdotage of Hayward's Essays. It is a boon to the readers of light, yet not too light, literature when an author is minded to make them sharers in his residuum of

matter, and still more so when he reprints from the pages of reviews collectanea which might else sleep on library shelves, and of which, at all events, the merits could never be ascribed to their real author. And in this feeling we welcome Mr. King's reprint of some half-dozen essays from the Quarterly, a batch of topographical and architectural sketches from Fraser's Magazine, and-among other feelings, with a curious freshening of remembrance towards a soon buried hope -a revived Oxford Essay on Carolingian Romance, in an octavo volume, fully deserving of a place beside the Handbook to the Cathedrals, which no good library can afford to be without. Broadly surveyed, the contents are all of a professional character. "The Great Shrines of England," "Travelling in England," "Devonshire," "A Pilgrimage to St. David's," tell their own tale of manufacture, and do credit to the quickened observation of a tourist and antiquary of rare culture and scholarship. The glimpse at Robert Herrick and his Vicarage is pleasantly supplementary to the Devonshire essay, which started with a hasty "marchpast" of that county's worthies. And as a makeweight to an article of less general interest on the "Change of Faith in Iceland, A.D. 1000," which stands somewhat alone

amidst a number of essays touching a homechord in most casual readers, a couple, more or less inspired by cathedral or ecclesiastical studies, deserve special commemoration: the first, entitled "Sacred Trees and Flowers;" the second, "The Dogs of Folk-lore, History, and Romance." The former works out from a rich store of gathered data, the idea that sacred trees and flowers furnish in their names and folk-lore "an illuminated page wherein lie half-concealed, one above another, the signs of many different ages." It limits the natural form of the palm leaf in ecclesiastical sculpture of Northern Europe to the period subsequent to the first crusade, although recognizing mystic and fanciful types of it in French churches of earlier date, referable probably to Syrian merchants settled in Gaul, to whom also may be due some of the grotesque carvings in English churches of the very

early Norman period; and it cites the Berkeley Tombs in Bristol Cathedral as the perhaps sole exception where mistletoe is admitted in ecclesiastical carving. Amid a "richesse" of mythic and sacred lore touching the ash, the oak, the four woods that lay a claim to have composed the cross, and the rowan, which divides with the hazel the divinatory power that can trace, as Mr. Baring Gould's "Curions Mytus" have taught us, not merely springs of water and veins of metal, but hidden crime, up and down the course of rivers for miles and leagues, Mr. King finds space for a variety of nice points connected with flower folk-lore, eg for deposing the whitethorn, or aubépine, from its pretensions to have furnished the crown of thorns (in spite of the belief long held in Northern Europe), and assigning this preeminence to the Nabk. a species of buckthorn still found growing near Jerusalem, identical with the "atad" of Scripture, and the "bramble" of our English version (p. 66). So, too, for finding the lily of the field, so commended on the Monnt of Beatitudes, not, as Benedictines and Cister. cians would, in the virginal lily of the valley, nor yet in the golden amaryllis with which Sir J. E. Smith identified it, but rather in the scarlet martagon lily, which is specially abundant in Galilee, and which, grouping itself into tall pyramids of glorious bue at the early summer season, when the Sermon on the Mount is supposed to have been delivered, might "suggest comparison with the royal robes of Solomon" (p. 72). A pretty bit of Cheshire folk-lore is noted in p. 64 in respect of a species of orchis, there surnamed "Gethsemane," and said to have contracted the dark stains which immemorially mark its leaves from the precious drops of blood that fell on it as it nestled beneath the cross; and the essay referred to teems with illustrations of a pious and fond faith in such associations of flowers and trees with the Saviour and his teaching. Many of the herbs and flowers famous on panel or spandrel in our churches have been transferred thither from living models in the monkish garden-plot, into which were imported the manifold all-heals, which still bear the names of" angelica,' archangel," "herb bennet" (the blessed herb), and so forth.

99 66

"Nor herb nor flowret glistering there

But was carved in the cloister arches as fair."

In truth Mr. King's essay hereupon may stand as a valuable locus classicus for the curiosities of the monastic garden or herbary, and will yield pertinent matter to such as enquire into the association of the trefoil with the Trinity, and the discrimination of romance from reality in the story of the Passion Flower. The same may be said of the Dog essay, which goes back past Ulysses' Argus, and Llewellyn's Gellert (said to have claims to an Aryan original), to Esarhaddon's large-headed and curly-tailed prototype of a Mount St. Bernard, now in the British Museum, and commemorates good dogs and bad dogs, such as the dog of the Seven Sleepers, Kitner Roderick's Theron, Arthur's Cavall and Fingal's Bran, on the one hand, and Henry II.'s Mathe, the faithless dog of history, and the weird packs of "wishhounds and dogs-of-hell met with

The

here and there in mediaeval folk-lore, on the other. The wastes of Dartmoor, with which Mr. King is intimately acquainted, are one special hunting-ground for these diversely-pictured fire-breathers and their weird master, and he is not yet exorcised from some counties of South Wales. Mr. King attributes this class of superstition to the extravagance of monastic imagination which associated the world and its masters, seen from the cell in the desert, with the wild hunting baron, the yelling of hounds, and the clattering of horse-hoofs. ghostly master and his surroundings represented the spirits of wicked worldlings in torment, burdened with the weight of helm and hauberk, as, to use the Prophet's language, "descenderunt in infernum cum armis suis." The essay on Dogs has, how ever, its livelier pages; as where the author speculates on the shock to the nerves of a dog of refinement implied in the very name of Dog-Latin, asserts for the English mastiff identity with the hounds of the Knights of Rhodes, which "could tell a Turk from a Christian by the smell," and subtly sets a vision of judgment before old maids, in the purgatory of two ladies "immoderately fond in their lives "of little dogs," to which a monk of Bec appears to have been witness. To the list of monuments and epitaphs to favourite dogs might be added one at Harpton, by Sir G. C. Lewis, to a favourite Pomeranian which belonged to his stepmother; and corroboration of the justshadowed-forth office of dog-whipper in connexion with churches might be gleaned (passim) from the Ludlow Churchwardens' Accounts, published in 1869 by the Camden Society.

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But for wider-reaching interest the essay on Travelling in England deserves to be consulted, as it assesses the worth as cicerones of William of Worcester, Leland, Carew, Fuller, Stukeley, to say nothing of such later guides as Pennant and Horace Walpole. Mr. King takes his reader to Cornwall (he might have added Cambria North and South) for cromlechs and kistvaens; to Kent and Sussex for Roman remains and military architecture; to Penshurst and Knole for Tudor mansions of the best type; and to Petworth, Cobham, and Castle Howard for art treasures. The Roman wall and the Yorkshire Cistercian ruins suggest eloquent and enthusiastic sketches of possible modeltours, and-in a word-the essay enforces the wisdom of awakening the historic spirit in the youthful mind by well-chosen and distinct snatches of home-travel. Mr. King quotes of one such excursion the words of old Thomas Fuller: "If the tourist do not return from such an expedition religiosior or doctior, with more piety or learning, it is surely his own fault if he do not depart jucundior, with more pleasure and lawful delight" (p. 305); words which seem to have given a cue to Praed's verse about a sojourn at his Vicar's :—

"If he departed as he came,

With no new light on love or liquor, Good sooth, the traveller was to blame, And not the vicarage or the vicar.” It must not be omitted that Mr. King has a word or two for the fitting season of hometours, and a hint in favour of spring, nay

even of winter, likely to be acceptable to those whose time is not their own.

The papers on Devonshire and the great shrines of England are, as it would seem, experiments at putting to the proof the general principles of that on travelling. As such they deserve study. No pedestrian can expect to economise time and tramping who does not, before starting on his tour, get up his subject with the Ordnance map, the handbook, and the best county history. So fortified he need miss neither the myths nor legends nor local worthies and their whereabouts. He would not then leave unvisited Powderham Castle with its legend of Lady Howard, or the home of the Bastards, the sole Devonian family which claims direct descent from an ancestor in the Exon Domesday; or the five Cistercian and six Benedic tine abbeys of the county; or the twin names of Raleigh and Gilbert and their quondam haunts; or those of Sir Francis Drake, whose claim to coat-armour (p. 349) has been somewhat improved since Mr. King wrote his Devonshire paper. Nor would he fail to look out for the marble tabernacle in Exeter Cathedral which marks the rest of Dr. Anthony Sparrow, and has under it, in an enclosure of wood, effigies of the bishop's wife and his nine children. The little Sparrows and the wooden enclosure might present to the vivid imagination the fulfilment of the verse of the Psalmist (lxxxiv. 3), "Yea, the sparrow hath found her an house, &c." Of Devonshire poets Brown, Ford, and Herrick are cited, the first and second as indigenous, the third a sojourner. Gay may also put in a claim to Devonian birth, for he was born at Barnstaple; but as he was bred, apprenticed, and first noticed in London, he ranks more truly as a Cockney. Since the publication of these Sketches and Studies a truer Devonian poet, and prose writer-Charles Kingsley-has gone to his rest. Who so fit as Mr. King to write his In Memoriam? For a satisfying taste of Herrick's poesy it would be desirable to get a more copious draught than is afforded in "Robert Herrick and his Vicarage," the sole essay in the volume which gives us the means of judg ing its author's powers as a critic of poetry. His métier is rather discovered in such articles as "The Great Shrines of England," where almost the only notable shrine which is too summarily and scurvily dealt with is St. Werburgh's tomb at Chester (p. 207). As Bradshaw's Holy Life and History of that patroness of the city on the Dee is scarce and costly, this is the more to be regretted ; and it might furnish Mr. King with a new theme for his archaeological and ecclesiological talents, if he would concentrate the research of a month or so to the Mercian saint and princess. The short sketch of “A Pilgrimage to St. David's " has a freshness that sets us upon the task of looking out our "staff and sandal shoon; though the quaint and congenially described sketches of Louvain, Bruges, and the homes of Rubens and Teniers set up a counterblast in favour of seven-leagued boots for the Continent. Is there any chance of Mr. King's taking in hand the feasible task (has he not so described it?) of re-editing Prince's Devonshire Worthies, with the additions to be gained by modern research, with illustrations

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If a fault is to be found in so pleasant a collection of papers as those under our notice, it is that in it, from the nature of the case, a hobby becomes more conspicuous than in single articles. Young sermon-writers are bidden to beware of white-horses." Mr. King's "white-horse" is Dartmoor, which he could ride without notice or fault-finding through four or five several articles in the Quarterly, though when all are bound up together in an octavo volume there is a savour of sameness and repetition if the "wish-hounds" reappear every time we turn over a score of pages.

JAMES DAVIES.

The Life of Napoleon III., derived from State Records, from Unpublished Family Correspondence and from General Testimony. By Blanchard Jerrold. With Family Portraits in the possession of the Imperial Family, and Facsimiles of Letters of Napoleon I., Napoleon III., Queen Hortense, &c. In Four Volumes. Vol. II. (London: Longmans & Co., 1875.) THOUGH the work of Mr. Blanchard Jerrold is announced to consist of four volumes, it is difficult to believe that it will not exceed that number. The first volume, which we noticed at the time of its publication, brought down the history of Prince Louis Napoleon to the time when, released by the clemency of King Louis Philippe from the punishment due to the attempt at Strasbourg, he landed in America; the second volume embraces the period of eleven years from 1837 to 1848. Will the author be able to relate in two volumes the history of the Presidency, the Empire, the catastrophe which brought it to a close, and the final exile and death of his hero? This seems very doubtful, and all the more so because what remains to be told is much more interesting and important than that which has already been related. But he delights in details. Thus he dwells at great length on the highly favourable impression made by the Prince in the United States during his very brief residence in 1837 of only two months. Having landed at Norfolk on March 30, he left New York on June 12 following, having been recalled to Europe by the serious illness of his mother. It was often said at that time that in returning to the Old World he broke a sacred engagement, a promise made to the French government which was the condition on which he had been set at liberty. Mr. Jerrold denies the fact, and we think on good grounds. Had he engaged not to return to Europe, the French government would not have failed to urge the violation of his parole against the Prince when they demanded his expulsion from the Swiss territory, but it does not appear that they advanced this argument. Nor was it urged at

the Boulogne trial, which seems to prove that no such engagement had been made, at least in writing.

But if the intrigues which tarnished the return of Louis Napoleon to Europe, and the subsequent expedition to Boulogne, do not constitute a violation of sworn faith, they nevertheless seem to us to be incompatible with the sense of honour which Mr. Jerrold much too readily ascribes to his hero. When set at liberty after an attempt of such a nature that the public prosecutor demanded capital punishment for his accomplices, Louis Napoleon could not but allow that to the clemency of Louis Philippe he owed, if not his life, at least his escape from

a

sentence of perpetual imprisonment, a boon which was but ill repaid by renewed conspiracy. But it appears that his conscience was above such scruples, and it is not difficult to perceive that he set little value on truth. On August 20, 1838, he wrote to a member of the Grand Council of Thurgau: "I returned from America to Switzerland a year ago with the firm resolution of remaining apart from every kind of intrigue. My determination has not changed." These assertions were absolutely untrue, as Mr. Jerrold himself indirectly admits. He exhibits the Prince in the castle of Gottlieben contemplating the storm threatening himself and Switzerland, and he adds :

:

"It cannot be denied that during the winter he had helped somewhat to gather it. The companions of his solitude had been some of his associates of the Strasbourg expedition. He had been in consultation with Vaudrez, Parquin, Persigny, Laity, and others."

King Louis, having learnt what was occurring in Switzerland, had written stringent letters, and when they led to no result, he gave up all further correspondence.

In fact, at this time, Louis Napoleon was playing a double game of not too exalted a character. On one side he acted the part of a Swiss citizen, accepted the freedom of the city which was offered him by some communes of Aargau, allowed himself to be named president of a rifle company, and delivered a speech in which he called the Swiss his fellow-citizens (p. 53). On the other hand, under cover of this borrowed nationality, he renewed his intrigues against the French government, and again appears in the character of a pretender. He caused M. Laity to write a pamphlet intended to extol the Strasbourg expedition, and to show that it had presented great prospects of success. If we allow that to princes is assigned a morality quite different from that which is obligatory on ordinary citizens, such conduct may be understood; but to those who believe that all men are subject to the same moral laws, whatever may be their birth and station, the conduct of Louis Napoleon in Switzerland must appear unjustifiable.

But it cannot be maintained that the French Government was free from error. Mr. Jerrold is quite correct in pointing out the ill-judged character of its policy in judging M. Laity by the Chamber of Peers, which condemned him to five years' imprisonment, a fine of 10,000 francs, and to be under the surveillance of the police during his life

-a punishment certainly too severe for the crime of publishing a pamphlet (p. 54); and it was a still greater error to demand from Switzerland the expulsion of Louis Napoleon on the pain of war. The French Government thus played the game of their adversary; they magnified him by seeming to fear him. Misled by a regard to his own interest and by an instinctive dislike to the liberal and republican character of Switzerland, Louis Philippe invested with the dignity of an important personage the man general opinion regarded as a mere adventurer, and whom the Strasbourg freak had covered with ridicule.

whom

Mr. Jerrold dwells much on these considerations, and would have us believe that the pamphlet of M. Laity was a snare successfully laid by the Prince for the French government, and that all the conduct of Louis Napoleon in Switzerland was the result of profound calculation. It seems to us that the author strains and exaggerates facts, as when he says at the close of this part of his work, his work, "He [Louis Napoleon] had left London in the summer of 1837, an adventurer covered with ridicule; he returned in the autumn of 1838, a pretender to the throne of France."

66 a

The kind of prestige which Mr. Jerrold ascribes to his hero was increased, according to our author, by the publication in 1839 of the pamphlet entitled Les Idées Napoléoniennes, a pamphlet which produced profound sensation in France," and to which the author attached great importance. We may be permitted to differ from the former part of this opinion.

Napoleon I. was certainly an incomparable general and administrator, but he was as far as possible removed from liberal ideas: democracy was his horror; his desire, which the partisans of the Empire at the present day falsify unblushingly, was, perhaps, "all for the people," but with the addition of "nothing by the people; nothing by the people; " never, in any degree, did he admit the idea of a selfgoverning nation, and the extent to which he reduced his Senate and Legislative Body to insignificance and degradation is well known. Under the Restoration, the liberals, in their hatred of the monarchy and of divine right, invented the legend of "the liberal Emperor," the revolutionary Napoleon propagating the principles of 1789 throughout all Europe by force of arms, those principles which the great captain detested and stigmatised as "ideology. Louis Napoleon made capital out of this legend, but the representation he has given of his uncle in the Idées Napoléoniennes is pure fiction. Apart from this representation we find in the work little more than what the French call "the truths of M. de la Polisse," that is to say, hackneyed generalities and empty declamations, with but few ideas. The only one at all prominent is defective both in truth and morality, viz., that material prosperity ought to satisfy a nation, and so long as this is granted they ought to be content. Napoleon I., having given to France much luxury, splendour and glory, and an administration as complete and skilful as possible, had no idea that anything further could be demanded of him, and that the French might desire in some degree to enjoy liberty, and

cherish the ambition of managing their own affairs.

This rule he applied to other nations. Spain had a weak and corrupt government open to manifold abuses, where prodigality and peculation were a daily scourge. Napoleon thought that when he gave her one of his brothers as king, and an administration formed on the model of that of France, and thus securing to her material prosperity, he would fulfil all her desires. He could never

understand that the Spaniards would rather be badly governed by one of themselves than

served. His followers were a motley throng of
malcontents and adventurers.
Not a
score of
them were reliable men, and hardly one was dis-
De Persigny was
creet or a man of resources.
strong always; Montholon, Voisin, Parquin, were
the leading conspirator, but he was rash and head-
old and tried and valiant soldiers, but they were
not of the stuff of which leaders of men are
made." (pp. 125, 126.)

It would be difficult to be more severe.

However, Mr. Jerrold maintains firmly that
his hero was no fool, and that Bonapartism
had struck its roots deeply in France, and

this defect is less apparent in the second volume. The author seems to have learnt that excessive exaggeration injures the cause it would support; he sometimes puts a limit to his praises; he is still an advocate, but is more discreet in his pleading. In judging of Queen Hortense (pp. 41, 42, 43) Mr. Jerrold expresses himself with a degree of severity, too lenient in our view, but a little surprising to the readers of his former volume. Elsewhere he says of his hero, "Prince Louis was no saint either before, during, or after his residence in London.

well governed by a foreigner, and he found that if the Prince had succeeded in getting He had his full share of some of the fashion

in Spain the first check to his power.

Napoleon III., imbued with the same ideas, committed in Mexico the same unpardonable error. In his treatment of that empire the sole "idée Napoléonienne" was the ruling principle: material prosperity is sufficient for a nation. This is the policy of

all the Caesars. The idea is false; material prosperity without liberty, without moral greatness, becomes an element of corruption and national degradation. Moreover, this idea is immoral; it ignores the highest necessities of the human soul, and sooner or later inflicts terrible catastrophes on those who have adopted it as their rule, forgetting that nations, no more than individuals, can "live by bread alone."

To return to the treatise of Louis Napoleon. We do not believe that it really contributed to his greatness. At any rate, he soon took care to destroy the kind of reputation which he owed, if not to this publication, at least to the faults of the French government, by entering upon a most foolish and culpable enterprise: on August 6, 1840, he landed at Boulogne.

In thus acting, did he merely throw himself headlong into the snare skilfully laid for him by the ministers of Louis Philippe ? Mr. Jerrold inclines to the affirmative. But it appears to us that in the affair of Boulogne he was again involved in an irrational project. We believe that the enterprise offered

possession of Boulogne, and had then
marched upon Paris, he would have been
received as a deliverer. There appears to
us an evident contradiction to such asser-
tions in the description drawn by the author
himself of the miserable resources at the
disposal of Louis Napoleon.

The remainder of the volume is occupied
with the trial and condemnation of the
Prince, his imprisonment at Ham, the literary
occupations to which he devoted his leisure
while a prisoner, his escape, his life in Lon-
don, and his election as deputy in 1848.

The admiration of Mr. Jerrold is seldom

wanting, but, for ourselves, we do not per-
ceive any remarkable result from the medi-
His
tations of the prisoner at Ham.
writings possess little literary value. He
was much occupied with the subject of
artillery, and at a later time when he was
Emperor, and absolute, his studies supplied
the French army with one piece, the twelve-
pounder, lightened so as to replace the
eight-pounder of the day, but never actually
brought into use; the rifled cannon, of which
the author of the Manual of Artillery had never
dreamed, having been invented by others at
the time when the manufacture of the twelve-
pounder lightened gun was being carried on
on a large scale. Need we add that Napo-
leon III., who had studied these questions
so closely, had not the slightest doubt in
1870 of the immense superiority of the Prus-
sian artillery to the French?

In his studies connected with the canal of
Nicaragua, it is difficult to see more than a
prisoner's amusement. One who was not
an engineer and who had never studied the
question on the spot, could hardly offer any
serious suggestion. Did he study the ques-
tion of pauperism to greater profit? We
can hardly think so, when we consider that
during a reign of eighteen years he effected
nothing in that department.

no chance of success whatever. At Stras-
bourg the Prince had the co-operation of
Colonel Vaudrey, and he might have hoped
that that officer would gain over his regi-
ment. At Boulogne he had not a single
good card in his hand. The only accomplice
on whom he could rely was M. Aladineze,
merely a lieutenant. He did not succeed in
seducing his men, and the arrival of Captain
Col-Puygellier was sufficient to force the
Prince and his small company to evacuate the
barracks. Not a man either in the army or In short, the most remarkable act of
the general population joined him, and those Louis Napoleon at Ham was the effecting
whom he had dressed out in French uni- of his escape, after which his life in London
forms to present the appearance of be- presents nothing indicative of real greatness.
longing to the army being in no degree He led a life of pleasure and dissipation: he
inclined for battle, nothing remained for appeared frequently on horseback; betted at
him but flight. The future Emperor was races; lost much money; borrowed a little
rescued from the sea by a boat while en- from all quarters; his surroundings were
deavouring to swim to the steam-vessel bad and his financial difficulties absorbed his
which had brought him. This was a mi- time. Would he have renewed his in-
serable check to a pretender who a few trigues? Perhaps he might, but scarcely
days before had named the Tuileries as a had two years elapsed when the throne of
Louis Philippe fell without his presence, and

rendezvous to his friends. Mr. Jerrold acknowledges the failure to have been as complete as possible, and he even points out the causes to which it was due.

66

"His agents in France," he says, were either foolish or dishonest. In short, he was not well

some months afterwards he re-entered France
as deputy.

able vices" (p. 84). Yet what we miss in this second volume, as in the first, is a just appreciation of the faults and crimes of the Prince. Mr. Jerrold relates the story of Boulogne, as that of Strasbourg, without a word of censure for that inexcusable outrage. of his life, Louis Napoleon appears only as In short, during the whole of this first period an unskilful conspirator, and an adventurer and man of pleasure. He exhibits the strength which is imparted by constant pre occupation, a fixed idea; but not one atom of moral greatness. ETIENNE COQUEREL.

Round Games at Cards. By

"Cavendish."

(London: De la Rue & Co., 1875.) "IT has been found hard," says Dr. Johnson, "to describe man by an adequate de finition." The term "reasoning animal" is objected to because so many of his race do not reason, while so many of his "poor earth-born companions" do. He has been called in preference a cooking animal, a laughing animal, a clothes-wearing animal, a tool-making animal, and so on. One of the latest definitions we have heard is that of a gambling animal, and judging by the extensive application of human intelligence to the transfer of property in this way, the definition would not seem inappropriate. If we direct our attention only to one of the many ingenious contrivances invented for the purpose, namely, playing cards, we may find material for a long study.

Volumes have been written on the antiquities, the symbolism, and the uses of these little tablets.* It is popularly supposed that they were invented as playthings for an insane king; this supposition being de rived from the discovery of an entry, about 1393, of a sum paid by the treasurer of "Jacquemin Charles VI. of France, to Gringonneur, peintre, pour trois jeux de cartes à or, et à diverses couleurs." But this passage proves nothing as to the invention of playing cards, which were really of

Even

much more ancient eastern origin.
the name, in spite of the obvious charta, is
supposed to have some connexion with an
oriental word signifying four, the number of
chief divisions in a pack. They are said to
have been introduced into Spain by the
gipsies in the fourteenth century, and the
treasurer's entry may probably correspond
with their first becoming known in the more
northern countries of Europe.
Card-playing soon became popular. Early
*See Chatto's History of Playing Cards, an erudite

Thus closes Mr. Jerrold's second volume.
In our notice of the first, we said that the
work was less a history than a panegyric; work, too little known.

in the fifteenth century the gambling it introduced was forbidden by an order in council at Augsburg; and, as a counterblast, a fine was instituted at Bamberg upon any one who should throw the cards out of the window. In 1463 they had become so important an article of commerce in England that the importation of foreign cards was prohibited by Act of Parliament; in 1475, in a treatise "De honestâ Voluptate," card playing after dinner or supper was recommended as a gentle aid to healthy digestion, and in 1484 games at cards were specially included among the sober pleasures allowable at Christmas time. Henry VII. charged in his Privy Purse Budget several sums for losses at cards, and when his daughter Margaret in 1503 went to the castle of Newbattel, in Scotland, to become the Queen of James IV., "the Kynge came privily to the said castel and entred within the chamber with a small company, where he found the bride (then aged fourteen) playing at the cardes." James was so delighted that he took enthusiastically to the amusement himself, but with apparently bad results, as he was obliged the same year to give four French crowns "to Cuddy the Inglis luter, to louse his cheyne of grotes, qu'hilk he tint at the cartis," i. e., to redeem property pledged at play. At the time of the plague at Rhodes, 1498, cards and other gambling apparatus, which were supposed to bring evil on the island, were ordered to be destroyed.

Card-playing was formerly, as it is now, a favourite recreation during long voyages; it was forbidden by the Duke of Medina in the Spanish Armada, but the followers of Columbus not only played, but made their own cards.

Catherine of Arragon was considered a thoroughly accomplished princess, as she could " play at tables, tick-tack or gleek (glück) with cards or dyce." Queen Mary indulged in the recreation after her severe religious exercises with the heretics, and Queen Elizabeth lost, not only her money, but her temper at the card-table. Louis XII. played in camp, in sight of his whole army.

In Spain all sorts of evil to the body, the soul, and the property were ascribed to cardplaying; a book being published in 1557 "en que se declaran los daños que al cuerpo, y al alma, y al hazienda, se siguen del juego de los náipes." And a proverb says :— "Tahur y ladron

Una cosa son."

Similarly the old verse

"Ludens taxillis, bene respice quid sit in illis, Mors tua, sors tua, res tua, spes tua, pendit, in illis"

served as a warning to gamesters.

In 1609, Henry IV. had to beg the indulgence of his finance ministers for his great losses at cards, and our own Court was not backward in the amusement, for Pepys relates that " on Sunday, February 17, 1667, he did finde the Queene, the Duchesse of York, and another or two at cards," at which instance of irreligion he expresses himself greatly amazed.

The designs of the cards we use are chiefly French, the uncouth figures of the picture cards (so obstinately adhered to in spite of

all attempts to modernise or improve them) being barbarous representations of old French court costumes. The king is very ancient; the queen is of modern invention, having been substituted for a general or prime minister; the knave (Knabe) is also old, and represents the serving-man. The analogy between cards and chess in regard to these characters is singular, and is thought by some to indicate a common origin.

The names and distinguishing figures of the four suits show some curious varieties in the different countries of Europe. Our hearts agree with the French caurs, and the German Herzen; but in the Spanish and Italian cards their place is taken by goblets, copas, coppe. Our diamonds resemble the French carreaux, but the Spaniards and Italians use pieces of money, oros, danari, and the Germans bells, Schellen. Our term spade has nothing to do with the digging tool, but is taken from the Italian spada, sword, while the figure represents either the end of a spear, answering to the French pique, or a leaf, as in the corresponding German symbol grün. Our word club is a literal translation of the Spanish and Italian representatives basto, bastone, but the figure is the French trifle, trifolium, or clover leaf, a form supposed to be derived from the more ancient acorn, still retained in the German Eichel.

We know but little of the earlier modes of playing adopted, but some curious names of games are on record. The fashionable game in Elizabeth's time was called Primero; in that of James I. it was Maw; and we hear of such odd games as Noddy, Costly Colours, Wit and Reason, Plain Dealing, Queen Nazareen,*Lanterloo, Penneech, Beast, Mumchance, Tickle me quickly, My-sowpigged, Look about ye, &c., and a still longer and more curious list may be found in the Gargantua of Rabelais.

:

Most of the old games have become obsolete and have given place to others of more modern invention. In the present day card games are in use in considerable variety, and adapted for different numbers of players; as, for example, what are called round games, for a domestic circle of any diameter:Whist and Quadrille for four persons; Ombre (an excellent game lately revived) for three; Piquet, Cribbage and others for two; and even some for one person, where the single player matches himself against the effect of chance as developed in the shuffling

of the cards.

Card-playing has, to some extent, a literature. The game of Whist has hitherto received the most attention, and deservedly so, on account of its high intellectual character; but other games of a simpler kind should not be neglected, as they conduce to the amusement of larger numbers, and are adapted to players of more moderate powers.

For this reason, one of the best known writers on Whist (whose work on that subject we may possibly notice at a future time)

"The queen of diamonds is Queen Nazareen, the knave of clubs is called Knave Knocker; if women play among men, it is customary for Knave Knocker to kiss Queen Nazareen." (Cotton's Compleat Gamester, 1680.)

It is a great omission of Cavendish not to have revived this pleasant game.

has done good service in bringing out the little book named at the head of this article. Round games furnish a source of much amusement to young people on winter evenings, but they are generally played according to uncertain and indefinite oral traditions; and the little that is said about them in ordinary books of games is often so badly written as to be useless, either in teaching the games to those who do not know them, or in promoting uniformity among those who do.

Cavendish's book describes, in a clear, intelligible way, three round games of some pretension, namely, Loo, Vingt-et-un, and Poker. The last is an American game, recently made known in this country by a little brochure on it, written by a person of high social standing, and it is now played, we believe, extensively in some fashionable circles. Hence we may assume that an authentic description of it will be acceptable to that large class who seek to model their amusements by the example of those above themselves in station.

The author, in addition to the descriptions of these games, appends short hints to aid the judgment, and gives for each a code of laws, which appear well-considered, and calculated to promote uniformity and fair play.

There are also added shorter descriptions of some other round games, of minor importance, namely, Snip-snap-snor'em, Pope Joan, Spin, Commerce, My-bird-sings, and Speculation: the latter an amusing pastime, which may possibly develop in the youthful gambler qualities that will be useful to him in after life, if his inclination should lead him to the Stock Exchange. W. POLE.

SCHOOL BOOKS.

Select Private Orations of Demosthenes. Part I. By F. A. Paley and J. C. Sandys. (Cambridge: University Press.) The Cambridge University Press has begun to follow the example set it and to take a leading part in the general movement some time ago by the sister institution at Oxford, for the improvement of our school-books. Every

schoolmaster has had to lament the absence of convenient editions in English, not only of the less well-known classical authors, but of the less known works of those who hold the highest rank. Not only is there no available school edition of Lucan, Statius, Seneca, Plutarch, Arrian, Lucian, or the Greek lyric poets, but the greater part of Livy, Tacitus, and (until Mr. Mayor's edition is reprinted) Juvenal is not to be obtained with notes which will give the learner the assistance and information he requires in preparing his work, and the necessary help to the teacher who does not understand German. We are grateful to Messrs. Paley and Sandys for attempting in some degree to supply this gap. Mr. Paley has in the preface to his edition of Euripides expressed himself as an enemy of that over-fastidiousness which demands that a life's work shall be consecrated to the explanation of a single author, while the demand for immediate instruction is so great. His scholarship is sound and accurate, his experience of editing wide, and if he is content to devote his learning and abilities to the production of such manuals as these, they will be received with gratitude throughout the higher schools of the country. Mr. Sandys is deeply read in the German literature which bears upon his author, and the elucidation of matters of daily life, in the delineation of which Demosthenes is so rich, obtains full justice at his hands. In the

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