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partiality for oatmeal, haddock, and herring, and in the frugal New England diet of codfish and potatoes and pork and beans.

Reserving further consideration of these subjects for future articles, I may briefly recapitulate some of the main points already considered. First. Our bodies and our foods consist of essentially the same kinds of materials.

Second. The actually nutritive ingredients of our food may be divided into four classes: protein, fats, carbohydrates, and mineral matters. Leaving water out of account, lean meat, white of egg, casein (curd) of milk, and gluten of wheat consist mainly of protein compounds. Butter and lard are mostly fats. Sugar and starch are carbohydrates.

mainly of protein and fats. Those of the vegetable foods are largely carbohydrates. The fatter kinds of meat and some species of fish, as salmon, shad, and mackerel, contain considerable quantities of fat. The lean kinds of meat and such fish as cod and haddock contain very little fat. Beans, pease, oatmeal, and some other vegetable foods contain considerable quantities of protein.

Fourth. The different nutrients have different offices to perform in the nutrition of the body. The demands of different people for nourishment vary with age, sex, occupation, and other conditions of life. Health and pecuniary economy alike require that the diet should contain nutrients proportioned to the

Third. The nutrients of animal foods consist wants of the user.

W. O. Atwater.

IF

F he had known that when her proud fair face Turned from him calm and slow

Beneath its cold indifference had place

A passionate, deep woe.

If he had known that when her hand lay still,
Pulseless so near his own,

It was because pain's bitter, bitter chill
Changed her to very stone.

IF.

If she had known that when her laughter rang
In scorn of sweet past days

His very soul shook with a deadly pang
Before her light dispraise.

If she had known that every poisoned dart —
If she had understood

That each sunk to the depths of his man's heart And drew the burning blood.

If he had known that she had borne so much If she had known that when in the wide west For sake of the sweet past,

The sun sank gold and red

That mere despair said, "This cold look and He whispered bitterly, ""Tis like the rest; touch

Must be the cruel last."

If he had known her eyes so cold and bright, Watching the sunset's red,

Held back within their deeps of purple light
A storm of tears unshed.

If he had known the keenly barbéd jest
With such hard lightness thrown

The warmth and light have fled."

If she had known the longing and the pain, If she had only guessed,

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Cut through the hot proud heart within her But for man's shame and pride they had been breast

Before it pierced his own.

wet

Ah! if she had but known!

If she had known that when her calm glance If they had known the wastes lost love must swept

Him as she passed him by

His blood was fire, his pulses madly leapt Beneath her careless eye.

cross,―

The wastes of unlit lands,—

If they had known what seas of salt tears toss Between the barren strands.

If she had known that when he touched her If they had known how lost love prays for hand

And felt it still and cold

death

And makes low, ceaseless moan,

There closed round his wrung heart the iron Yet never fails his sad, sweet, wearying band

Of misery untold.

breath

Ah! if they had but known.

Frances Hodgson Burnett.

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WITH NOTES CONCERNING ALSACE AND LORRAINE.

N Louis Blanc France not only lost the last surviving great leader of the time of the Second Republic, but also the ablest expounder of the "History of Ten Years" of Louis Philippe's government; the best recent inquirer into the doings and the real aims of the personages of the Great Revolution; and at the same time a man who during all his life had striven to better the lot of the laboring masses. The product of his youth, "The Organization of Labor," may be subjected to a legitimate criticism; the generosity of his aspirations does not admit of any doubt.

I first made his acquaintance during a temporary sojourn in London, in September, 1849. I still see him before me, with most lively recollection, as in his apartment, in Piccadilly, near Hyde Park, he stood with folded arms before the chimney. A very small but well built and even neatly proportioned man; of almost Napoleonic cast of features, such as may be found among not a few Corsicans; quite beardless, which in those later revolutionary days was a rare thing. The glance of his black, somewhat protruding eyes, lustrous, and verging upon a dazzling changefulness; the thick dark-brown hair long and falling down straight; the color of the face rather brownish. In spite of the smallness of his stature for he was not higher than Thiers-an impressive appearance, only diminished in walking by the slightly bent leg. He was clad, rather conspicuously, in a light blue dress-coat with gilt buttons, and a waistcoat with broad flaps, the so-called Robespierre vest. The garb was a reminiscence of the first Revolution.

In his intercourse with Englishmen Louis

Blanc displayed all his social qualities to great advantage. He was among the very few Frenchmen who spoke and wrote in English, and who liked to learn from a nation which possesses a noble and powerful literature exercising influence all over the worldeven as its political power is felt, sometimes for good, sometimes for evil, throughout the inhabited globe. Louis Blanc was in friendly relations with a number of prominent English authors and politicians of the most different party views. I will only name John Stuart Mill, the late Lord Bulwer Lytton, Thackeray, Hepworth Dixon, Thomas Hughes, and Lord Houghton. English affairs he treated, upon the whole, in his letters as a publicist, with great independence, and with an evident desire to be just in every direction.

In society, the smallness of his stature, combined with the youthfulness of his visage and his habit of shaving the whole face, several times led to very exhilarating scenes. Even many years after his arrival in England, he was repeatedly mistaken for a youngster. A relative writing to me from Germany just reminds me of the following laughable, but highly inconvenient, incident: "Do you remember the dinner at your house, when we all waited so long, and in vain, for Louis Blanc ? Your Irish housemaid had sent the boy' away, saying that you were engaged!" Another dinner had to be arranged, in order to give my German relative a chance of meeting Louis Blanc. When Louis Blanc's publisher died, and he temporarily found himself rather in financial straits, lectures were arranged for him, at my suggestion, in our St. John's Wood Athenæum. "Mysterious Personages and Agencies before the French Revolution" was their title. Quite a crowd of literary and political celebrities were expected. By an over

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sight, Louis Blanc, on this his first appearance as a lecturer in the English language, himself almost became a mysterious personage to the distinguished audience, the desk being so high that his head would scarcely have been visible! Fortunately, in the nick of time, a footstool was provided, on which he stood all the while when speaking. The somewhat constrained attitude imposed upon him thereby perhaps accounts to some extent for the rather formal and academic manner of his delivery. In the French Assembly, too, he had to make use of a stool.

His eloquence had altogether something of the pulpit. One might almost fancy that his earliest training (a relative had intended him to become a priest) had left some mark upon him. There was something exceedingly measured in his talk as soon as he began to enter upon a serious discussion.

His full-sounding utterance, clearly distinct in every syllable, reminded the hearer a little of the southern French amplitude of vocalization. It was matched by the clearness and elegant firmness of his large and open handwriting. "Ah!" he would say to hasty admirers, that is just my misfortune. Don't you see, it is because my manuscripts are so beautifully written that they are given to the worst compositors. That is how the many misprints occur, which so vex me!"

66

In general intercourse he was the very type of amiability and politeness. Of the most dignified and exquisite bearing before strangers, he was fond of unbending before friends, of ten showing a hilarity which broke into harmless loud laughter. But never did he intentionally give pain to any one in conversation by his remarks.

As towards the English, so he also felt greatly attracted towards Germans; but he never mastered, or even attempted to study, our tongue. During the Schleswig-Holstein war he gave a public and very useful proof of pro-German sympathy, although he thereby offended not a few English friends. The most influential section of the public opinion, and the majority of the statesmen of England, were on the Danish side. The Palmerston ministry sought to form an alliance with Napoleon III. for an armed attack against Germany. It was of the utmost importance to oppose these designs both in London and Paris. For years, the writer of these "Recollections" had been at the head of a propagandistic National and Democratic Association of Germans in England ("Society for German Freedom and Union ") which had made the Schleswig-Holstein question its specialty. Confidential memoranda, written by the two chief leaders of the Schleswig Parliament, but

which they dared not even sign for fear of Danish persecution, had repeatedly been transmitted by me to Lord John Russell, the foreign secretary, by way of authentication. In Lord John Russell's organ, the (then Liberal) "Globe," I often took occasion to explain, above my signature, the grievances and aspirations of the Schleswig-Holstein people, as previously expressed in its three years' unsuccessful war of independence (1848–51). Now, Louis Blanc, who during the new national war (1863-64) almost daily came to see me for purposes of information, generously expounded the same views in his letters to the Paris "Le Temps" which afterwards were collected in a number of volumes entitled "Lettres sur l'Angleterre." We Germans really owed him gratitude for that.

During all the long years of intimacy with Louis Blanc in England, our political relations always remained undisturbed by the slightest cloud. As a token of his never-changing sentiments, I have before me many volumes of his different works with friendly inscriptions. Once, when I and my wife were for several days as guests in his house at Brighton, I was informed from abroad that in one of Louis Blanc's letters to "Le Temps" there was a passage unjustly bearing upon German rights in the Rhinelands. It was painful to refer to such a matter at that particular moment. Upon consideration I yet thought it to be best - nay, even a duty-to do so. He was quite unhappy when I addressed the question to him point-blank. He at once fetched all the numbers of "Le Temps" which he had collected, and declared he was utterly unable to conceive the reproach.

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For safety's sake, with a view to possible contingencies in the future, I, however, entered upon a full discussion of the ideas then held on that subject by most Frenchmen, and formerly, no doubt, also by him. In the course of the conversation he suddenly observed that "in case of a difference, a question as to the frontier might, after all, be solved by a popular vote." I replied that " Germany could never so far forget her dignity as a nation, or her historical rights drawn from community of blood and speech, and ancient possession, as to allow a vote to be taken on the question as to whether that portion of her people who dwell on the left side of one of her rivers should continue to form part of the Fatherland!" Louis Blanc easily understood the point, and thus the matter was disposed of.

Few know how deeply even French Democracy had been tainted with the ideas of further conquest in the direction of the Rhine. One day a Frenchman of my acquaintance, who semi-officially represented President Jua

rez and the Mexican Republic in London during the time of the war against the Napoleonic invasion, and with whom I had been on most friendly terms, unexpectedly broke forth in my own house, before German friends, in this way: "If once we have the Republic in France, we shall march on the Rhine, even if we were to get all Germany on our back!" (même si nous aurions toute l'Allemagne sur le dos.)

"Mind!" I replied to him, "if once you have her on your back, you will not get her off again easily!"

During the struggles of the Prussian House of Commons against the budgetless and arbitrary government of Herr von Bismarck, Louis Blanc, in "Le Temps," supported the German Progressist and popular parties. Ferdinand Lassalle, the so-called German "revolutionary agitator" who took sides against the Prussian House of Commons, thus practically sustaining Bismarck, confidentially asked Louis Blanc, one day, for a public letter of sympathy with his socialist agitation. It was to be a sort of certificate or pass for Lassalle among our working-classes. At that time Lassalle generally was looked upon as an extreme Republican aiming at a great social overthrow. For my part, I from the beginning considered him a mere ambitious Catilinarian. I thought, nay, I knew, that he, in secret collusion with the government, endeavored to traverse the aspirations of the liberal middle class, so that a despotic kingcraft in the pseudo-socialist" Grand Almoner "style might be established, which would hide its true character, like the Second Napoleonic Empire, under democratic phraseology. I expressed this view to Louis Blanc when he asked my advice as to what he should do in reply to Lassalle's wish.

"Why, he practically acts as an agent of Bismarck," I said. “I should not wonder if he played the part of a Persigny, aiming at

office."

"Impossible!" Louis Blanc replied. "Do you mean this seriously?" "Very seriously," I answered. In fact, I had given similar warning in public by a fly-sheet against Lassalle, under the title, "A Friendly Word to Germany's Workmen, Burghers, and Peasants." It took some time, however, indeed, a conversation of several hours,- before Louis Blanc could be made to understand all the bearings of the case. His own former intercourse with the captive of Ham still played him an occasional mental trick in questions of mixed political and social import. Afterwards he said he was grateful for having been prevented from falling into the trap laid for him.

The secret dealings of Lassalle with Bismarck were, in later years, revealed by the

German Chancellor himself, in a speech in the Reichstag. My own informations had long ago pointed that way.

Quite recently a letter has come to light, written by Lassalle to the well-known conservative and orthodox Professor Huber, whose semi-socialist views had been made use of by Prince Bismarck. In this letter, written during the full flush of his alleged "revolutionary agitation, he begins by saying that he had been a Republican from his youth, but that he would be proud now to bear the banner of a "Socialist Royalty."

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During the rising in Russian Poland, when I was in connection with the diplomatic representative in London of the Secret National Government at Warsaw, Louis Blanc warmly espoused the Polish cause. It was Mazzini who had first introduced Mr. Czwierczakiewitch to me. Through him I learnt beforehand the very date on which the intended rising was to begin; and the information turned out quite correct. German advanced Liberals and Republicans strongly favored the Polish cause. Being called to Scotland to address public meetings there at Glasgow, Stirling, and Hawick, I succeeded in bringing about petitions to the English Parliament in support of that cause. Louis Blanc, as may be seen from his "Lettres sur l'Angleterre," took these meetings as a text for his own writings.

Some years afterwards, a review in the London "Athenæum" endeavored to make out that Louis Blanc had been favorable to a French war on the Rhine, which might lead to a change of frontiers in connection with the Polish question. I at once wrote to him as to how matters stood. He replied:

"BRIGHTON, 20 Grand Parade, 31 Juillet, 1867. "MON CHER AMI: Je vous envoie les deux premiers volumes de mes Lettres sur l'Angleterre.' Je n'ai malheureusement pas en ce moment, les 3e et 5e volumes. J'ai écrit à mon éditeur de Paris de m'en faire tenir quelques exemplaires. J'en mettrai un de côté pour vous, d'autant plus que vous y trouverez trois lettres qui vous concernent.

"Je n'ai jamais conseillé à Napoléon d'annexer les primé le désir que la France n'abandonnât pas la Provinces rhénanes; mais j'ai très-décidément exPologne, dût-elle pour cela, et à défaut de tout autre moyen, faire la guerre au roi de Prusse, complice de l'empereur de Russie dans l'égorgement des Polonais. citée; mais le sens en est déterminé par la conclusion "La phrase citée dans l'Athenæum est exactement de la lettre d'où elle est tirée, conclusion que voici. Je copie la traduction anglaise, n'ayant pas l'original sous les yeux :

"FEB. 22, 1863.

"What shall we desire? What shall we hope? It rests, perhaps, with the liberal party in Prussia to turn aside the genius of conquest while serving the interests of justice with a courage worthy of the cause. The Prussian liberals can do much for Poland - they can do everything, perhaps; and therefore, at this moment, their responsibility in the eyes of the world is immense. By the military convention, the object of such general

and vehement protests, it is not only Russian Poland that is stricken, but Prussian Poland is outraged. The support of the Polish deputies in the Berlin Parliament cannot therefore be wanting to the German deputies, if the latter will understand that the true interests of their country are indissolubly bound up in this instance with the triumph of justice. Should the energy of their attitude and the potency of their efforts facilitate a result that will respond to the sympathies of the friends of freedom, without exciting their fears, they will render an inestimable service to Europe, for which England above all others will entertain an eternal gratitude. May Heaven inspire them! The question at issue is to secure for the principle of liberty, and for it alone, the glory of having falsified the prediction falsely ascribed to

Kosciusko: Finis Polonia.

"Salut cordial.

"LOUIS BLANC."

"I have never advised Napoleon to annex the Rhinelands; but I have very strongly expressed the wish that France should not forsake Poland, even if, for that purpose, and in the absence of any other means, she had to make war against the King of Prussia, the accomplice of the Emperor of Russia in the slaughtering of the Poles." This sentence of Louis Blanc, directed as it was against the disgraceful convention concluded between the Prussian King and the Czar, seemed to me to contain a dangerous theory for all that. Would it have been the right thing for Germany to declare war against France on account of the annexation of Garibaldi's birthplace? If not, what right had Napoleon III., of all rulers, to make war upon the "King of Prussia"-which, after all, could only be done on German territory on the Rhine-for the alleged sake of Poland, but in reality for the purpose of a fresh annexation, similar to that of Savoy and Nice, which was the result of a so-called deliverance of Italy "from the Alps to the Adriatic"? Again, would not a successful war of that kind have riveted the Bonapartist yoke upon France even more firmly?

I discussed these matters repeatedly, and very earnestly, with Louis Blanc. I told him that, in spite of the deep estrangement between Prussia and Southern Germany on account of the war of 1866, all our countrymen would stand shoulder to shoulder as soon as a French army were to move upon our Rhinelands. I said that I would be the first, in such a case, to call out for the laying aside of party divisions for the purpose of common defense; and that, moreover, I was convinced of victory being on our side. This latter view, especially, was one which Frenchmen of all political descriptions could with difficulty be brought to accept then.

"For the sake of your own country, for the sake of our common cause of freedom and civilization, I pray you to exert yourself with all your power to dispel the illusions in which so many of your countrymen still indulge!" I

over and over again said to Louis Blanc, to Ledru-Rollin, to Savoye, to Dupont, to Lefevre, to Fonvielle, to Valentin, and others. And Louis Blanc was brought gradually to comprehend the full extent of the danger of a war with the "Prussians," as the French, in their infatuation, would then and long afterwards say.

In the American war, Louis Blanc advocated the cause of the Union; at first, somewhat cautiously, afterwards with growing energy. His caution may partly have arisen in the beginning from a certain desire not to hurt too strongly the deplorable prejudices by which the majority of the governing classes in England were influenced; the Trent affair, in which we pleaded for America the right of self-preservation, even though its government would no doubt make diplomatic amends to England. Louis Blanc at first gave the reasons for and against, with great deliberateness in the "Temps," and without committing himself. In every English house we had then to fight for the cause of the Republic. A second motive for Louis Blanc's caution, in the beginning, was the delay of an emancipation decree.

"Why not proclaim emancipation at once," he said, "and thus strike a mortal blow at the South ?"

Like most of his countrymen, he was not aware of the complex state of political parties in the North. He had not, until then, devoted much study to American affairs. Being fully agreed with him as to the foul blot of slavery, I still could understand, even if I greatly regretted, the dilatory procedure of President Lincoln's government. A spur was, however, required, now and then, to arouse the sometimes flagging enthusiasm of our friend, whose utterances were closely watched by Englishmen. After a while, he rapidly went ahead, doing right good service to a cause upon which the hopes of the best thinkers of Europe centered.

I vividly remember the day when the terrible news of the assassination of President Lincoln reached London. The address of sympathy which I had forthwith proposed, and signed, in common with Freiligrath, Kinkel, and other Germans of London, was scarcely dispatched to the American embassy when Louis Blanc came to see me. His face bore the evidence of great mental distress. He seemed to think that the cause of the Republic itself was once more in danger. On hearing of our manifestation, he immediately drew up a letter of his own, expressing sympathy

lay and Hay's "Abraham Lincoln: A History.”—THE *On this point we hope Mr. Blind will read NicoEDITOR.

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