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that the cupidity of parents is the main source of the incomplete education of children among the lower classes. But the indifference of parents seems a far more powerful cause. Indeed, this is actually stated to be so by Archdeacon Allen,* formerly Her Majesty's Inspector of Schools, and by several other gentlemen who now hold that office.

Nevertheless we still have to consider the condition of 80,000 boys engaged in out-of-door agricultural operations, and of 30,000 who live in farm-houses. In the case of children who are unemployed and yet do not attend at school, one remedy consists of making the school more attractive.

But where children are employed who have been to school, yet only for a short time, it is necessary that they should be protected by the law, as well as induced by personal motives.

In the former instance industrial teaching is clearly pointed out, in the latter the half-time system, or some modification thereof, is no less plainly a desideratum.

In considering the latter mentioned of these reforms first, we observe that the class for whom it is proposed to legislate is not numerically insignificant. The legislature has already interfered in behalf of the 18,000 children in print-works, and of the 24,000 boys employed in collieries.

Therefore since the state has stepped in between the employer and employed, and where only comparatively a few persons were concerned, there is no reason why it should not further interpose, especially when the class for whom legislative aid is sought contains a greater number of individuals who would be benefited thereby.

In Germanic kingdoms it is the manufacturers who are favoured by the non-interference of the Government, if favour it can be called. On the other hand, the agriculturist of Germany is restricted in this respect as much as the manufacturer of England: he is limited as to the number of hours each day during which he may employ his young labourers, and the age at which he may first engage them.

There is then no reason, primâ facie, why agriculture should not come under the cognizance of the law as much as factories, print-works, or collieries.

On inquiring further, we shall find that whatever difficulty does exist in the adoption of such an expedient, is one of detail only, and is a fair matter for discussion.

Yet although there is no logical hindrance in the general promotion of the half-time scheme, we imagine that any attempt to

*The great hindrance to education is not the want of schools and of teachers but the indifference of parents.'-Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, 1858, p. 276.

carry

The Ten Hours Bill.

121

carry it out in our rural districts, would be met by violent opposition. In the first place, we should have to encounter the old, threadbare, hypocritical objection, that the liberty of the subject and the laws of free trade would be infringed. We have heard all this spurious liberalism on a former occasion when the popular champions of a popular movement preferred a superficially, but not really a logical consistency to truth and justice. The Ten Hours Bill was, no doubt, an interference with the laws of free trade, but human souls are of more importance than the regulations of commerce; and thus to the glory of the people of England be it told how they refused to follow their would-be leaders, hearkened to the cry of the children,' which one of England's truest poets* had rendered so painfully eloquent.

It is now decreed that children shall not be employed under a certain age, and that they shall receive school instruction during a portion of the day: this legislative interference with trade was parallel to the prohibition of the truck system. Agriculture is still without the benefit of these wise measures. It will be a matter of national disgrace if an effectual hindrance is made to the development of these protective principles.

The spurious liberalism of which we have spoken, will no doubt reappear and reveal itself as selfish conservatism in disguise. It has already defeated many a useful act, has secured to the inhabitants of lodging-houses a continuance of immorality and wretchedness, has done its best to perpetuate ignorance by the obstacles which it has thrown in the way of educational extension. But inasmuch as the State has already interfered in behalf of morals, health, and knowledge, with our opponents rests the burden of proof that it should not interfere in future, or in any particular instance.

All high-sounding theories of political economy should be treated with suspicion when practice and not theory is required. Pedantry becomes sin when it would sacrifice the good of a class to logical consistency; when it would, for instance, refuse to interfere in behalf of those 5,463 infants, who, according to the Census of 1851, were sent into the fields to scare birds from daylight to sunset, and who, according to one of her Majesty's Inspectors of Schools,† creep home at evenings so utterly exhausted that they not unfrequently lay themselves down to die.

The argument for compulsory education may be used on the ground of selfdefence, and of the greater public good. It might be safely enunciated as a principle lying at the very foundation of society, that no one section of a community shall have the right or permission to prove a burden and a danger to other sections; that no one section be allowed to compel continuously other sections to establish and maintain agencies to repair its neglect of duty and its violation of law. Compulsory education is necessary to guard the rights of

* Mrs. Browning.

Vol. 4.-No. 14.

K

The Rev. D. J. Stewart.

children

children amid the crushing competition of the labour-market, to regulate the pressure of one section of the community on the other; to diffuse throughout the nation greater enlightenment, juster views of individual responsibilities, and a healthier social life. Without it, national systems will fail, like denominational appliances, to overcome the vis inertia of the uneducated masses.*

The actual condition of the education of our agricultural poor will be seen by comparative statistics. The following speak eloquently and need no comment :

PROPORTION OF SCHOLARS in Elementary Schools to the whole Population, in the different Countries of Europe.

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So that in England there are not one-third of the number of scholars which we find in the Swiss Canton of Berne.

But this is not the extent of our deficiencies. We learn from the Census that out of the 2,046,848 children then at school, the average number of those who remain at school over ten years of age was as follows: 49 out of every 100 remain till eleven years of of age, and 28 per cent. only remain till they were thirteen. The Rev. J. P. Norris, her Majesty's Inspector of Schools in Staffordshire, states that the general practice is to enter the school at seven years old, attend about three or four days a week, for little more than a year, and then leave.

This applies more particularly to manufacturing districts. In the agricultural counties children both enter and leave school at an earlier age.

There are many other facts to bear out the assertion that in England, so prone to boast of superior enlightenment, education is thought less of than in countries which are presumed to be enveloped in gross darkness. Of no countries where Romanism is the established religion, excepting Spain and Italy, can it be said that 40 out of every 100 of the people cannot write their own names. Of no countries beyond the Straits can it be said that among the agricultural poor from 55 to 73 per cent. are thus ignorant.

In Prussia the Government renders it incumbent on the owners of landed property that all the children on their estates shall be

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*The Rev. W. Fraser, Trans. Social Science, 1858, p. 251.
Kay's Social Condition of the People,' vol. ii. p. 539.

educated,

The Print Works Act.

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educated, and that they themselves shall pay the school fees for the poor labourers who cannot afford to defray the expense. They are also obliged to furnish the materials required for the erection or repairs of all necessary school buildings; the needful fuel, and when the school is not endowed, the teachers' salaries.*

We do not expect, nor do we ask for any such enactment in this country. The remedy proposed is national and not private. Two provisions, which have the merit of being developments of principles already acknowledged, would secure all that is needed.

1st. The prohibition of juvenile labour under ten years of age. 2nd. A modified extension of the Print Works Act to the rural districts.

It is certain that up to ten years of age a child ought to be receiving instruction rather than earning a livelihood. It is not right to lay the heavy burden of cares, which he will have to bear all through the remainder of life, earlier than this upon shoulders too young to support it. Perhaps there may be differences of opinion as to the exact period which should be provided by the law, even among those who are agreed as to principles. But this is scarcely a matter for discussion. Feeling will have more to do with establishing a precedent in the first place. Experience will afterwards confirm or alter it.

The second provision that we have named requires further remark. The Print Works Act is clearly more suitable to agriculture that the Factory half-time Act. In the latter case, daily attendance at school is compulsory; in the former, the aggregate hours of yearly attendance may be distributed unequally through the twelve months. This is only what is absolutely necessary in work which, like farming, must be measured by seasons rather than by days. There are many agricultural operations which require continuous attendance, and could not be carried on at all if interrupted by a law which should, like the Factory Act, limit the hours of daily work. In both seed-time and harvest it would be unjust to the farmer to deprive him of labourers for a portion of the day, when each hour is of such importance. Now in urging so important a social reform we cannot be charged with being unpractical and speculative. This is no untried measure. It has been adopted voluntarily in several cases with complete success. Lord Lyttelton has put it in practice at Hagley in Worcestershire, Mr. Paget, M.P. for Norwich, states that in his own experience the system has answered. Lord Hatherton has given it a fair trial, and Mr. Norris, whose evidence on other points we have previously quoted, details the result of this trial in his report for 1857. As this affords a fair sample of the difficulties that have to

* Kay, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 89.

be encountered, we borrow from Mr. Norris a few illustrating facts. The main objection to the general adoption of the halftime system consists that it is rare to find in convenient proximity the children's homes, the school-house, and the farm on which they work. Lord Hatherton deemed this obstacle insurmountable in most instances. In his own case he overcame it by establishing a school in his own farmyard which Mr. Norris subsequently visited, and of which he speaks in the highest terms. The farmers, if not absolutely hostile to any such measure, are generally indifferent to it, and will not incur any little extra trouble which the working of it will occasion. They prefer keeping the same boys continuously on the farm, and have no liking for relays. They believe that if a boy comes for only half a day at a time, or on alternate days, he will never get his hand in.' When the school and the farm are far apart, there are much time and strength wasted in mere locomotion. Even the fact that different clothes would be required at school from those worn in the field, is no light obstacle. But probably all these objections would be met by a substitution of weeks for days and half days.' This, as we have already mentioned, would be provided for in a modification of the Print Works Act. Without some compulsory enactment of this sort we do not believe that the half-time system will be anything but a rare exception. In parishes favourably situated, where the land is in the hands of one or two proprietors who happen to be interested in this great question of education, a voluntary half-time system may succeed.

6

But when such landlords are indifferent to the subject, or when the land, as in Devonshire, Cornwall, Kent, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, is much divided, and belongs to many small proprietors, there is neither the power nor the will to adopt so extensive a reform. Certainly it is to be wished that not only landowners, but land occupiers could be induced to give to this subject the attention which it deserves. If we could but persuade the 771 renters of farms of more that 1000 acres, or each of the 171 farmers who unitedly employ 17,000 labourers, to give their adhesion to the principle, we might well rejoice. But such a consummation, most devoutly to be wished, is not to be expected.

This is a field which the State must occupy, for none but the State can properly cultivate it. The strong arm of the law must interfere in behalf of those who have not hitherto been so fortunate as to find zealous and unwearied champions, such as boldly fought the battle in behalf of children in the factory and in the mine.

We have alluded to the sectarian differences between the friends of education. Here, then, is a point of union. There can be no doubt of the advantages to be derived from such a scheme as we propose. Probably there is no less reason to think that the oppo

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