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CHAPTER VIII

WAR ACCEPTS NO SUBSTITUTES

MERICAN history as a whole shows for a democracy

a surprising continuity of foreign policy, the main threads thereof surviving alternations of political party. Even as the violent overthrow of the Federalists in 1800 involved no sudden rupture with their friends the English, so the gentle transition from Jefferson to his heir in the Virginia dynasty would scarcely presuppose a shift in policy. Nor was a change contemplated. The new President carried to his office the love of peace which clothed his acts as Secretary. Peace remained the cardinal motive of his policy. Its details varied with the international scene, and its maintenance at last broke down, but its spirit was basically unchanged, and Madison, in spite of his, or rather Henry Clay's, War of 1812, belongs properly among our peace Presidents.

For the conduct of a peace policy or indeed of any policy at all, the President was hampered by a Senate intrigue against his erstwhile colleague, Albert Gallatin, whose administration of the Treasury was the most brilliant chapter in Jefferson's second term. A group of powerful enemies made impossible the confirmation of Gallatin's name for the State Department, and the President so far bowed to party intrigue as to name for the position Robert Smith, of Maryland, who had made an acceptable Secretary of the Navy under Jefferson, but who did not win distinction at the State Department. Even in the act of appointing him, Madison appears to have resolved to be his own Secretary.1

In the diplomatic service, Pinkney remained at London,

1 The portrait of Robert Smith by Dr. Charles Callan Tansill, in the series on American Secretaries of State and their Diplomacy (Alfred Knopf, publishers) is more friendly to Smith than most former treat

ments.

and Armstrong, wearied by the futilities of his mission, continued in Paris. Erskine and Turreau, familiar figures in the Jeffersonian régime, still represented their governments at Washington. Also, in the community of interest between ourselves and Russia against the anti-neutral acts of Britain, a mission to St. Petersburg was determined on, and the post assigned to William Short, who had long enjoyed the confidence of Madison and Jefferson."

The repeal of the Embargo four days before the President's accession still left non-intercourse in force. That is to say Americans might trade with Europe so long as they did not ship direct to France or England. Accordingly a vast fleet of merchantmen sailed forthwith from the seaports of America, bound for neutral ports. At this Napoleon was furious. The Embargo was not designed to benefit him, but in its actual incidence, it affected his enemy far more than himself. Its repeal he correctly regarded as evidence that America in no wise came within his economic system. Despite this disappointment he made no effort to insure good will by concessions in the Floridas.

BRITISH OVERTURES

The letters of Erskine in the closing days of Jefferson produced their effect on the opening days of Madison. For Canning, who seems at no time to have desired a war, sent instructions to his minister looking toward a settlement of difficulties, and Erskine in the early months of 1809 negotiated a treaty with Madison whereby the Chesapeake was finally to be settled, and commerce placed upon a better footing.

Erskine entered eagerly into the task of conciliation. As a liberal, he personally opposed the restrictions enforced by the successive Orders in Council. The misplaced ironies of Canning had seemed to him a quite unnecessary irritation. The viewpoint of his American wife was not without its

2 The personal and private side of a diplomat is charmingly set forth in "William Short, Jefferson's Only 'Son,'" by Marie Goebel Kimball, in The North American Review, vol. CCXXIII, pages 471-486.

3 Adams, Henry, History of the United States of America, V, 67-68.

influence. Perceiving in the tenor of his instructions a relaxation from the previous system, he took the liberty of modifying them further. Satisfaction for the Chesapeake was conditioned, for example, on America's previous rescinding of her rule excluding British warships. This satisfaction was not given, yet Erskine offered the long desired apology.

While this negotiation was in progress the British government issued on April 26, 1809, a new Order in Council superseding those of November, 1807. For the former obnoxious measures there was substituted a blockade of Holland, France, and Italy. This undoubtedly denoted a concession to American sentiment, but it fell far short of the anticipations aroused by Erskine's treaty, the terms of which were promptly published to the country. It aroused in the American mind a doubt as to the bona fide character of the instructions under which the British minister was acting.

This doubt was changed to certainty when Canning received the outcome of his agent's efforts. Press comment was favorable enough at first, but changed its tone when the ministry determined on its stand, a stand which by no means favored the Americans or the young diplomat who was believed to be their dupe. With an arrogance which, according to Henry Adams, marks him as perhaps the most offensive Englishman with whom America has ever dealt, Canning repudiated the treaty with no explanation of his reason. He rebuked Erskine for suffering American comments on what was due King George's honor. Erskine was a fellow Englishman and subject to his orders. To Madison he owed the forms at any rate of courtesy, and these he failed to use. It should be said for Canning, though, that he was under no obligation to ratify a treaty executed in defiance of instructions.

4

Pending the signing of this ill-fated treaty, non-intercourse had been abandoned. The President was driven to declare it once more operative. For the moment that was

4 Adams, Henry, Op. Cit. V, 87-108.

all within his power. Congress was not sitting. And Congress was less warlike than himself. Perhaps explanation and renewed negotiation would be offered by the minister who was coming to replace the chastened Erskine.

5

The agent chosen for so delicate a task was Francis James Jackson, notorious in Europe for his harsh manners to the Danish sovereign just previous to the siege of Copenhagen, the poorest tool in England for any peaceful purpose. Canning provided him instructions quite in keeping with his temper, sending forth the most irritable of men to negotiate with the most exasperated of governments. He was to offer neither explanations nor fresh terms, but was authorized to receive overtures from Madison on the line originally sketched to Erskine.

Strangely enough, whatever Canning thought of it, Jackson took his mission seriously, and he had some faint hopes of success. He arrived in Washington a month before the President returned from his Virginia hills. He established amicable relations with some of the citizens, and took delight in the beautiful environs of the infant capital. His personal attitude was far more agreeable than Merry's had been, and when Madison did return, he made no objection to the Republican simplicity of his presentation.

In his official relations with Madison and Robert Smith, however, the contempt he felt for his hosts betrayed him into errors which brought his mission to a sudden close within little more than a month from its beginning. The first move of Madison was to demand that all communications be in writing. To this Jackson demurred. Madison then scored by pointing out that Canning had made similar demands of Pinkney. Madison next, acting nominally through Smith, forced a statement of the terms he came to offer. Placed on the defensive, he admitted, what Madison himself suspected, that he had really none to make. In his irritation, however, at the adroit manner in which Madison assumed the initiative, the Englishman countered with a stroke that exposed him to his foe. In an endeavor to

5 Ibid. V, 96, and 109-132.

place Madison on the defensive, he accused him of wilfully conspiring with Erskine to nullify that minister's instructions. Madison at first overlooked the accusation. Jackson renewed it. Madison rebuked him for insulting language. Jackson returned to the charge. Whereupon Madison, with a brusqueness to which Jackson was more accustomed in the giving than the taking, terminated his enemy's career. "Sir,-. . . Finding that in your reply of the 4th instant you have used a language which cannot be understood but as reiterating and even aggravating the same gross insinuation, it only remains, in order to preclude opportunities which are thus abused, to inform you that no further communications will be received from you."

6

Thus in a few well-chosen words the President nipped any possibility that Jackson might assume the rôle which George Rose played of remaining in America to intrigue with Pickering and constitute himself the center of faction and treason. The mild-tempered Madison was revealing that some lessons learned by him the past eight years had been well taught. Even as it was the minister played still further into his enemy's hand by defending his conduct in the press, and by journeying to New York and Boston, where the attentions of the Federalists and their support of the British minister as against their own government merely won the President support among right-thinking men.

Mistaken though his conduct was-and his appeal to the country over the head of its administration savored strongly of Genêt in spirit and result-the minister was not alone to blame. The real fault lay with Canning, for Jackson kept well within his letter of instructions. The failure of the Jackson mission correctly viewed marks the final failure of Canning's diplomacy. In last analysis British interest would be best served by friendship and conciliation."

• Adams, Henry, Op. Cit. V, 132. The History by Henry Adams is so rich in quotations and source material that it is here constantly cited as a source. The specializing student will necessarily refer to Madison's and other contemporary writings.

7 Henry Adams takes an exceedingly unfriendly view of Canning. This would be somewhat neutralized by reference to the studies of Canning's biographer, H. W. V. Temperley.