Hefele, Drey, Aberle, Herbst, and others in the "Tubingen Quartal-Schrift," during its now forty years course of activity and influence. In the pages of the "Kirchen-Lexicon," also (which, with its Protestant rival the "Real-Encyclopædia of Herzog, is indispensable to every German-reading clergyman's library), from the same and equally qualified pens, a number of learned and instructive papers will be found. With German Romanists, Church History is as decidedly a strong point as Exegesis is a weak one. The last work on our table differs essentially from all the preceding, in being, not a continuous history, but a series of ecclesiastical biographies, representing the various periods of the Church. It has been not far from twenty years in progress, and its learned author has now completed the Ancient and Medieval Periods. Exception may be taken, doubtless, both as to the individuals admitted, and those excluded. That list, assuredly, does not err on the side of excessive strictness, which includes both Abelard and Heloise in full detail. We have a volume on the Mystics, Tauler, Suso, and others; why have we not one of equal extent on the Scholastics? Why are not such writers as Hugh of St Victor, Aquinas, and Bonaventura, treated of?

Apart, however, from such objections, the now voluminous work of Böhringer is eminently worthy of study. He is deficient in cognisance of modern writers on his subjects, perhaps deeming it more conducive, alike to simplicity and vigour of treatment, to confine himself to the works of the authors he treats of, and the biographies, by those, who were, if not contemporaries, at least, persons, not far removed in time from those heroes. Thus, we have no mention of "Montalembert's Life of St Elizabeth," of "Chavin de Malan's Biography of St Francis of Assisi," or of the work of his fellow-Swiss, Hurter on Innocent III. That the lastmentioned became a pervert to Romanism through his one-sided study of the Innocentine Age, is no reason for ignoring his book. A German writer would find, from the very difference of the national characters, benefit in paying attention to the mode of treatment pursued by French authors. Böhringer, however, makes an exception in favour of this country. He has carefully paid attention to the works on Wickliffe, by Lewis and Vaughan; that by Le Bas he probably considered too merely popular for consideration. Dr Vaughan's elaborate book is viewed by Böhringer as too limited in aim, and too nearly anti-Papal in the presentation of its subject. Böhringer has taken great pains in sifting his materials, and in separating, as in the case of St Elizabeth of Thuringia (or of Hungary, as she is sometimes called), the historical from the legendary. This life gives us a vivid picture of the thirteenth century, when the Mendicant Orders were

just beginning to exert their wide and long-lasting influence in Europe. Early in life taken from her father's court in Hungary, and betrothed to the heir-apparent of the Thuringian crown, exposed to many slights and injuries from unfriendly female connections, yet bearing them all with the meekness and patience becoming a Christian, she proves herself fit for the possession of royal honours, when her father-in-law dies. Through all her married life, it is as "Brother" that she speaks of, or to, her husband, with whom, from childhood, she had been brought up. Only to please him does she ever put on princely attire; plain, even to an extreme, in her dress, when she can uncontrolled carry out her own will. Her husband leaves her to join the Crusaders, and dies on Italian ground, before he can take part in his Eastern enterprise. Relieved, at length, from the sufferings (which one is disposed to think over coloured), to which her husband's death exposes her from his brother Henry, she denuded herself of all her possessions, and retired into the Tertiary order of the Franciscans. She took a warm interest in the training of the young, and in all other works of beneficence, according to the views of that period. In that long past Ante-Chadwickian era, we are not surprised to find her so insensible to sanitary views, as to be averse to the use of the bath! About her personal appearance, our lady readers will be disappointed to learn, that we possess no contemporary statements! Even the Roman Breviary does not assert that any miracles were wrought by her during her life, though it affirms, " immediately after her death, numerous wonders were accomplished, which, being duly substantiated, Gregory IX. inscribed her in the number of the saints." (Office for 19th November.)

It is a somewhat fanciful remark of Böhringer, in his volume on Wickliffe, that Northern England was German-Saxon, and Southern England Romanic, in the character of its population. It would have been more correct to say, that in the former there was a strong Danish element, which was wanting in the latter. On the influence of Wickliffe's writings and followers in Scotland, he says nothing. The very existence of the Lollards of Kyle seems unknown to him.

"Wickliffe," says 66 he, was confined in view to England; he is thoroughly and limitedly a Briton. Yet he was connected with the Continent by a chain of powerful influences, as we shall see in Huss and Jerome (of Prague). In the Reformation of the sixteenth century, of which he was the boldest and most thorough forerunner, he was not, at least, by the German Reformers, duly honoured . . . Luther ought, at least, to have shown to Wickliffe the same justice as to Huss, who, in his doctrine, followed the English Reformer as his master. But Luther was better acquainted with the Bohemian than with the

English Reformer. Melancthon brings against him two charges, that he neither fully understood, nor urged upon others, the doctrine of Justification by Faith, and that he insidiously mingled together the Gospel and politics. There is, however, a specific connection between Wickliffe and the Reformers of the Swiss type. There is the same direction of the understanding, ruling over feeling and imagination, without mystic, contemplative, romantic elements; also the same strong, austere character, as in Calvin; the same energetic protest against ecclesiastical abuses, and less disposition to spare the existing, marking, in Reformation times, the difference between the Lutheran and Calvinistic churches; the same looking back to the original apostolic Christianity, even in forms, with less value attached to historical continuity; the same especially moral religious apprehension of Christianity. Even in particular dogmas, we find the same resemblance; as in the doctrines of Determinism, Predestination, Creationism, (as opposed to Traducianism), the view of the Sacraments in general, and of the Lord's Supper in particular. In worship also, there is the same spiritualising, simple view, conforming itself to the example of the original apostolic age; the same Puritanism; the same rejection of saints' days, and other post-apostolic observances" (Johannes v. Wykliffe, p. 604–7).

It is, after all, scarcely fair to Böhringer to treat of his work at the close of an article. It is of sufficient value and distinctiveness to be entitled to a long paper by itself. In it the author well upholds the literary honour of German-speaking Switzerland. We part from him, convinced that this century, fertile as it has been in valuable German contributions to Church History, has produced few books more worthy of present consideration, and more likely to meet with future study. It is not a book which will die before its author, or speedily follow him to the grave.

66

In conclusion, we rise from the perusal of these German works, from Protestant or Romanist writers, with somewhat of a feeling of shame for our country's deficiencies. The first Church History, produced on British ground, so far as we know, was that of Patrick Sympson, one of our old Presbyterian worthies. Of him, we read, he was well versed in reading of the Fathers, both Greek and Latin ; a man well versed in the Fathers and Church History, yea, in all learning" (Wodrow Society; Select Biographies, vol. i., p. 74.-303). Nearly two centuries and a half have passed away, since Sympson's book was published, and how little has Scotland kept the promise she then, amid all the throes and struggles of an imperfectly settled Church Government, gave! Peace has long since come. But where are its fruits? In this department of learning, few or none. volume from Principal Campbell; another from Dr Welsh! True, England has little more to boast of, than Scotland. Con

One

sidering the ample leisure, which her great academical foundations give, it is the more to her discredit that she has used these so little. And when we find in her chief seats of learning,

"Isis and Cam, to patient Science dear,"

as Wordsworth sings of them, such men as Blunt and Hussey, looked up to as models of professorial erudition and vigour, giving faith in their recently issued Prelections,' matter well studied, indeed, from the old High Church seventeenth century standpoint; but, in the case of the former, with an entire, and, in the case of the latter with an almost total ignoring of all that Germany has done in the field, we cannot help feeling, that tradition and conventionalism must be rooted out from our Southern seats of learning, before Germany will ever be, we shall not say equalled, but approached to. It is the same in editions of ancient writers. The Oxford Theodoret is beautifully got up; but, here also, Germany is forgotten. Let us hope, that the long-promised Sozomen will be issued, by and by, by some Oxonian, who will not disdain to make use of the ample materials which Teutonic industry has placed within his reach. Let us hope also, that the time is not far remote, when the healthful emulation, which we have in this paper shown exists between the Protestant and the Romanist sections of German theology, will be exhibited between the Scottish and English divisions of our island. Edinburgh and Oxford, Cambridge and Glasgow, might then meet in profitable and honourable rivalry on the Church History field.

1 "Blunt's Lectures on the Early Fathers." "History of the Church in the first three Centuries." "Hussey's Rise of the Papal Power."

2 Theodoreti Eccles. Hist. Oxon. 1854.

Oxford Aristotelianism.

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ART. IV.-The Ethics of Aristotle illustrated with Essays and Notes. By Sir ALEXANDER GRANT, Bart., M.A., Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. Vol. I., containing Essays on the Ethics of Aristotle. London: J. W. Parker and Son. 1857.

THE influence of Aristotle upon Oxford is one of those strange psychological phenomena which ancient philosophers would have resolved into an indeterminable chance, and which we moderns must be content to accept as the result of an unknown law. There are things beneath as well as beyond reason, the discovery of which "passeth man's understanding." On the one side lies the mystery of fellowship, and on the other is the mystery of fascination. "Corruptio optimi pessima;" and if on the one side human sympathy culminates in unapproachable light, it culminates on the other in impenetrable darkness. And in Oxford Aristotelianism there is the fusion and synthesis of these; it is too rational to be wholly bigotry, too conservative to be wholly conviction. It has all the sacredness of a traditional doctrine. It is, in short, a kind of intellectual religion, a creed rather than a philosophy, the "Quicunque vult" of Oxford-involving the lesser excommunication for those who doubt, and the fulness of anathema for those who deny.

So far as it can be reduced to reason, it has two chief causes,the one is external and objective, the other internal and subjective: the former depends on the character of the Aristotelian philosophy, the latter upon that of Oxford thought. With regard to the former, there is in Aristotle a perfect adaptation to the Oxford theory of education: he is the end and fulfilment, as well as the law and cause of it. He is the type of the philosophy of compromise. There are no "extreme views" in him. His meaning lies on the surface, without seeming to be superficial. He has the calm gentlemanliness of a man of the world, and yet takes rank as a philosopher. He has a fulness of matter and a perfection of method: he strives to make a man περὶ πᾶν πεπαι δευμένον, but never for a moment loses sight of the ὡς δεῖ. He rises sufficiently high above popular notions to be able to guide and interpret them; but not so high as to have absorbed perspicuity in depth, or to have forgotten that those who cannot fathom a man's thought, content themselves with criticisms of his apparel. And the nature of Aristotle's method, even more than his attention to it, must be looked at in the light of a cause. For it is a method at once all-crushing and all-embracing, which seems to