believe, according to his lights, he does love Ireland. Our lights are very different from his. But still, Almighty God will judge every man according to his lights.

THE VERDICT.

After the applause had subsided, the Very Rev. Father Starrs, Vicar-General, came forward and said:

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I have merely a few words to say to you before you separate this evening. You all know that this is the last lecture of the course by the Very Rev. Father Burke in reply to the lectures of Mr. Froude, the English historian; and I know very well that you must all feel satisfied with the manner in which he has replied to the lectures of that distinguished gentleman, But nevertheless, I take this opportunity to move a vote of thanks to the Very Rev. Father Burke for the able, dignified, and learned manner in which he has accomplished his purpose, in the course of lectures which he has just

concluded.

Voices.-I second the motion.

Father Starrs.-The motion has been seconded. Are you ready for the question?

Voices. Question! Question!

Father Starrs.-All in favor of this motion will please say "Aye."

A tremendous "Aye" resounded in the vast auditorium from pit to dome.

Father Starrs.-All opposed will say "No." No response was heard.

Father Starrs.-It is carried unanimously. [Tremendous applause.]

APPENDIX.

(1) Page 10. Mr. Froude in his "Reply to Father Burke and Others," denies that he sought such a verdict of acquittal or approbation of England and her policy, from the American people. He states that he only asks the approving force of American opinion, to back him in his opposition to the idea of a repeal of the Union or "Home Rule" as it is called to-day. His leading thought throughout his lectures is, that the Irish don't know how to govern or legislate for themselves; that for them home legislation and an Irish Parliament would be a curse and not a blessing. In order to prove his case, he found it necessary to enter into the history of Ireland, and whilst the question of Irish capability for self-government remains a profound mystery, yet unsolved by experience, Mr. Froude has made it tolerably clear to the American mind that English government in Ireland has been a woeful and disastrous failure. Whether we Irish know how to govern ourselves remains to be seen, but, thanks to Mr. Froude, it is clear that England does not know how to govern

us.

(2) Mr. Froude takes me to task for asserting that the Irish by descent in this land are 14,000,000 (I take

no notice of his total of 22,000,000), and he quotes the census of 1870. The reader will perceive that I do not give these figures as my own, but only as the surmises of others, and as what I heard people say. On further inquiry I find that I am not so far from the truth in asserting that the total of Irish birth and descent in this land falls little short of 14,000,000.

(3) Mr. Froude objects to my speculations on the decay of England, inasmuch as I am a British subject in whom he says, "it is scarcely becoming." I cannot see it in this light, and I confess there are few questions on which I speculate with greater pleasure.

(4) Mr. Froude claims to be a grand exception to this rule. He has no contempt, but an exceptional respect for the Irish, of whom he recognizes only two classes, the peasants and the demagogues. The fact of my not being a digger of the soil may explain Mr. Froude's manner of dealing with me, which by the way is a curious illustration of his "exceptional respect for the Irish." How hard a thing it is to be insolent to others (no matter how humble), without lowering onesself! I could scarcely realize the learned historian, the man of name, the elegant, refined graduate of Oxford, when I read of Mr. Froude describing Father Burke as "the raal thing as we say over there," or describing an Irish chieftain of great distinction as "the broth of a boy."

(5) "I do not hate the Catholic religion," says Mr. Froude. I thought he did, and I honored him for it. If the Catholic religion were what Mr. Froude believes it and describes it to be, I should hate and detest it, and so should every honest man. Here is Mr. Froude's

idea and description of the Catholic religion ("Essay on the Condition and Prospects of Protestantism," page 134): "To sacrifice our corrupt inclinations is disagreeable and difficult. To sacrifice bulls and goats in one age, to mutter pater nosters and go to a priest for absolution in another is simple and easy. Priests themselves encourage a tendency which gives them consequence and authority. They need not be conscious rogues, but their convictions go along with their interests, and they believe easily what they desire that others should believe. So the process goes on, the moral element growing weaker and weaker, and at last dying out altogether. Men lose a horror for sin when a private arrangement with a confessor will clear it away. Religion becomes a contrivance to enable them to live for pleasure and to lose nothing by it; a hocus pocus which God is supposed to have contrived to cheat the Devil-a conglomerate of half truths buried in lies." This is Mr. Froude's idea of the Catholic religion, and yet he tells us he does not hate it. Great God!

(6) Although Mr. Froude disclaims this and says that he asks for no such verdict, yet I must remind the reader, that he held up for the admiration of the American people such men as Henry VIII. and Oliver Cromwell. Now it is not these men but their principles and policy which Mr. Froude canonizes, and wnoever endorses him is an avowed admirer and abettor of religious persecution the most atrocious.

(7) Mr. Froude says that "order was growing out of the fighting" everywhere but in Ireland. Whoever reads the history of Ireland fairly will perceive that, out