nell of Tyrconnel fled from the country, and then Sir Arthur Chichester, the agent of the English king, developed one of the most extraordinary schemes that was ever heard of in the relations between one country and another. They took the whole of the province of Ulster, every square foot of Ireland's richest and finest province, and cleared out the whole Irish population and handed it over bodily to settlers from England and Scotland. It was called the "Plantation of Ulster." They gave to the Protestant Archbishop of Armagh 43,000 acres of the finest land in Ireland; they gave to Trinity College in Dublin, 30,000 acres ; they gave to the skinners, dry-salters and cordwainers, corporations and trades of London, 208,000 acres ; they brought over colonies of Scotch Presbyterians and English Protestants and gave them lots of 1,000, 1,500 and 2,000 acres of land in extent, making them swear as a condition that they would not as much as employ one single Irish Catholic, or let them come near them. Thus millions of acres of the finest land in Ireland were taken at one blow from the Irish people, and they were thrust out of all their property.

Mr. Froude in his rapid historical sketch says: "But all this, of course, bred revenge." He tells us "in 1641 the Irish rose in rebellion." They did. Now he makes one statement, and with the refutation of that statement I close this lecture.

I know, my friends, to many among you these lectures must appear dry; we cannot help it; history generally is a dry subject. Mr. Froude tells us that in

the rising under Sir Phelim O'Neill in 1642, there were 38,000 Protestants murdered by the Irish. Now, that is a grave charge; that is one of the most terrific things to accuse a people of, if it be not true. If it be true, all I can say is that I blush for my fathers. But if it be not true, why repeat it? why not, in the name of God, wipe it out with disdain from the record of history? Is it true? The Irish rose under Sir Phelim O'Neill; and, at that time, there was a Protestant parson in Ireland calling himself "a minister of the Word of God." He gave his account of the whole transaction in a letter to the people of England, begging of them to help their fellow-Protestants in Ireland. Here are his words: "It was the intention of the Irish to massacre all the English. On Saturday they were to disarm them, on Sunday to seize all their cattle and goods, and on Monday they were to cut all the English throats. The former they executed, the third one "massacre" they failed in." Petty, an English authority, tells us that there were 30,000 Protestants massacred at that time. A man by the name of May, another historian, puts it at 200,000; he thought, “in for a penny, in for a pound." But there was one honest Protestant clergyman in Ireland who examined minutely the details of the whole conspiracy and all the evils that came from it. have discovered," he says-and gives as proof state papers and authentic records-" that the Irish Catholics in that rising massacred 2,100 Protestants; that other Protestants said that there were 1,600 more, and

What does he say? "I

that some Irish authorities themselves say that there were 300 more, making altogether 4,000 persons." This is the massacre that Mr. Froude says he just tosses it off as calmly as if it were Gospel-" 38,000 Protestants were massacred," that is to say, he has multiplied the original number by 10; whereas, Mr. Warner, the authority in question, actually says, "That there were 2,100," "and," he continues, "I am not willing to believe in the additional numbers that have been sent. in." This is the way that history is written; this is the way that people are left under false impressions.

Now, from all we have seen of the terrible nature of the evils which fell upon Ireland in the days of Henry VIII.; in the days of Elizabeth; in the days of James I., I ask you, people of America, to set these two thoughts before your mind, contrast them, and give me a fair verdict.

Is there anything recorded in history more terrible than the persistent, undying resolution so clearly manifested by the English government, to root out, extirpate, and destroy the people of Ireland? Is there anything recorded in history more unjust than the systematic constitutional robbery of a people whom the Almighty God created in that island, to whom he gave that island, who had the aboriginal right to every inch of Irish soil?

On the other hand, can history bring forth a more magnificent spectacle than the calm, firm, united resolution with which Ireland stood in defense of her religion, and gave up all things rather than sacrifice what

she conceived to be the cause of truth?

Mr. Froude

does not believe that it was the cause of truth. I do not blame him. Every man has a right to his religious opinions. But Ireland believed it was the cause of truth, and Ireland stood for it like one man.

I speak of all these things only historically. I do not believe in animosity. I am not a believer in bad blood. I do not believe with Mr. Froude that the question of Ireland's difficulties must ever remain without a solution. I do not give it up in despair; but this I do say, that he has no right, nor has any other man, to come before an audience of America—of America, that has never persecuted in the cause of religion; of America, that respects the rights even of the meanest citizen upon her imperial soil; and to ask that American people to sanction by their verdict the robbery and the persecution of which England was guilty.

LECTURE III.

IRELAND UNDER CROMWELL.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: We now approach, in answering Mr. Froude, to some of the most awful periods of our history; and I confess that I approach this terrific ground with sadness, and that I extremely regret that Mr. Froude should have opened up questions which oblige any Irishman to undergo the pain of heart and the anguish of spirit which the revision of this portion of our history must occasion. The learned gentleman began his third lecture by reminding his audience that he had closed his second with a reference to the rise, the progress, and the collapse of the great rebellion, which took place in Ireland in the year 1641, that is to say, somewhat more than two hundred years ago. He made but a passing allusion to that great event in our history, and that allusion, if he be reported correctly, stated simply that the Irish rebelled in 1641. This is his first statement —that it was a rebellion; secondly, that this rebellion