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Government in 1850 saw clearly; it ridi- | dents or German gymnasts, the other from culed the Austrian sympathies of sentiment- the shrill fifes of Prussian regimental al Great Germans who called for a national bands. centralized Germany, and racked their brains The weakness of Prussia's position, thereto find out some modus vivendi for Austria fore, was her half-heartedness and want of within such a body. It ignored the exist- faith in her own mission. She was a bad ence of a German nation, and only recog- ally. She was not l'ami de ses amis. There nised that of German sovereigns. It is a spiteful French proverb dating back to these would help Austria to restore the In the last century, "Travailler pour le roi de ternational Confederacy of 1815, she would Prusse," which in those days came forcibly help them to establish their absolute power home to men's minds. over their subjects. The strength of Aus- The period between the battle of Brontria’s position consisted in its logical nega- zell and the battle of Sadowa falls into tion.

three natural divisions, the first coinciding Between the Prussian Government, on the with the remaining portion of Frederickother hand, and Prussia's natural ally, the William iv's reign, the second with the National party, there existed no cordial al accession of the present sovereign as Prince liance. Each mistrusted the other. The Regent, and the duration of the so-called German “Bundesstaat” meant a marriage Liberal Ministry by which he at first surbetween Prussia and Germany, that is, an rounded himself, and the third with the indissoluble contract in which each party administration of M. de Bismarck. was called upon to make sacrifices for the During the first of these periods the good of both; but these sacrifices neither German question lay dormant. the Prussian monarch, nor, we may add, in During the second it began to revive her heart Prussia, was ready to make. Had with all the symptoms of renewed intensity. not Prussia alone in all Germany a real his. The attitude of the Auerswald Ministry in tory and real traditions, as distinct from a regard to it may be described as that of a merely dynastic history or merely heraldic Platonic flirtation with the national idea as traditions? Had she not, alone and unaid-embodied in the programme of the Little ed, with a spade in one hand and a sword in Germans. the other, worked and fought her way up The third period is preëminently that of from an obscure colony on the extreme con- what in Germany, in contradistinction to fines of the Empire to the rank of a first- Great Germanism and Little Germanism, is rate European power? Was not the crown styled Great Prussianism, and coincides of Prussia a reality, a glorious reality? with M. de Bismarck's tenure of office. What, when compared with it, was this un- It was the Italian war which gave the historical Imperial diadem, which a paff of signal for the resuscitation of the German popular favour could blow into a gaudy question. bubble to collapse on the first gust of popu- Now that the recriminations and heartlar ill-will ?

burnings of the year 1859 have passed Now this feeling, though of course strong away into the region of history, it is not est in the Hohenzollern who sat upon the difficult to appreciate the parts played by throne, and among the men who composed the several actors in that eventful year. his Court and officered his army, is deep. That Austria and the Austriau party in seated in the Prussian nature, even where Germany-in which we include not only we least expect to find it. To sink the the well-disciplined phalanx of Cabinets Prussian in the German is what hardly one who followed Austria as their leader, but inhabitant, of the eastern provinces at least, the whole of the Great German party, with is capable of doing. He is proud of his its endless shades of opinion---should have pame, and never misses an opportunity of regarded it as the first duty of Prussia and letting you know it. Take the two national Germany to make common cause with songs,

the German and the Prussian. The Austria, and to defend the Italian posses. one plaintively inquires "Was ist des Deut. sions of that House by an aggressive moveschen Vaterland ? " and endeavours through ment on the Rhine, was natural enough. a long series of stanzas, partly geographical, That in Prussia there should have been i partly philological, to answer the question. strong party who recollected the battle of The other starts with the proud affirmation, Bronzell, and who deemed Austria's neces. "Ich bin ein Preuss; ” and through all the sity to be Prussia's opportunity, and that & phases of the German question the echoes of large section of the liberal and national these two melodies cross and recross each party should have sympathized with Italy, other as they come wafted to our ears, the and considered that it was no part of Ger one from the choral clubs of German stu- | many's duty to thwart Italian aspirations

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for unity and independence, was equally that he was deserted by his natural allies,
natural. That strong influences were con- and that it was the equivocal attitude of
sequently brought to bear upon the Prince-Prussia which had forced him to throw him-
Regent to secure the hostile neutrality of self on the mercy of the French Emperor.
Prussia during the impending war was the On the other hand, the latter did not seek
inevitable result. Nevertheless, the Regent to hide that it was the certainty of hostili-
from the first laid down a line of policy of ties with Prussia which had led him to con-
his own, equally opposed to Great German clude peace before the work of Italian
and Great Prussian aspirations, and adhered emancipation was completed.
to it. He had no sympathy with Italy, and Thus closed the campaign of 1859, leav-
shared all the orthodox prejudices against ing behind it a rankling wound as well in
the so-called revolutionary Cabinet of the mind of Austria as of Prussia. That
Turin. He believed that the possession of she had been betrayed by the selfish policy
the Quadrilateral by Austria was not un- of Prussia was the conviction of the former.
important to the security of Germany, and That Austria had preferred coming to terms
he was not minded therefore that Austria with France and the loss of Lombardy to a
should bleed to death in the defence of the deliverance wrought by her former vassal,
Quadrilateral. But neither, on the other and to seeing that vassal playing an inde-
hand, would he go to war as the vassal of pendent part as a great European Power,
Austria, or at the bidding of a majority of became the rooted belief of the latter.
the Diet. If Prussia took part in the war The international machinery of 1815, so
she should take part in it as an independent carefully and at such vast expense restored
European Power, and make the most capital by Austria, had hopelessly broken down at
she could out of it for Prussia. Its primary the moment she the most required its as-
object touched Austria's general interests in sistance. A bloodier campaign than that of
Italy, her collective possessions there, not Bronzell had for ever destroyed the fruits
especially the Quadrilateral. It was only of that ill-omened victory. By common
fair, therefore, that she should fight in the consent the existing institutions of Germany
first line, and bear the brunt of the first were condemned as utterly worthless, and a
attack. If she could not hold her own, cry went forth from every portion of the
Prussia, at the head of Germany, would Fatherland demanding a radical reform of
make a diversion in her favour by an offen- the Federal Constitution.
sive movement on the Rhine. But to carry

With this revival of the German ques-
out this plan successfully, and to attack tion, the two parties which had stood face to
France to advantage by allowing the bulk face in 1849, the Great Germans and the
of the French arıny to engage itself in Little Germans, were once more arrayed
Italy, Prussia must keep her hand free to against each other, and a political agitation
the last moment. The Prince-Regent, more- began, which, little as it was at the time
over, had a further reason for this policy. noticed out of Germany, it required no gift
He knew that the Middle States of Ger- of prophecy to foresee could not but end in
many, Bavaria and Würtemberg especially, the disruption of the Confederation.
who cried the most loudly for war, were

Before we trace the incidents of this pothe least fit to take the field, and that, litical campaign, it is necessary we should scanty and disorganized as the smaller Fed- notice the attitude of the several Governeral contingents were, it would require sev-ments more immediately interested in the eral months before they could even attempt solution of the German question. to show a hostile front. In the meanwhile The Austrian Cabinet stood paralysed by the military preparations of Prussia were the total collapse, both internal and external, carried on with the utmost activity. By of that system of logical negation on which the time the battle of Magenta was fought its prestige had for the last nine years been the whole Prussian army was on a war reposing, and was helplessly groping about footing, and fit to take the field. On the for some positive creed whereon to build up news of the victory of Solferino, Prince the broken fortunes of the Empire. To Windischgrätz, the Austrian Military Pleni- include her non-Gerinan provinces within potentiary at Berlin, was able to telegraph the nexus of the Confederation, and to exto the Emperor that the Prussian army had tend the frontiers of Germany to the Po begun its concentric movement upon the and the Carpathians, seemed to Austria the Rhine. But the Emperor Francis Joseph only hope of salvation ; but the means to disbelieved, or affected to disbelieve, the compass that end appeared, as well they information conveyed to him by his own might, beyond the reach of her bewildered agent, and hastily concluded the peace of policy. Villafranca, giving the world to understand The Prussian Cabinet, as before observed,

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was inclined to coquette with the pro- the policy of the Middle States, under gramme of Little Germany; but a more which are included the four kingdoms, Hanimportant personage in the Prussian State over, Saxony, Bavaria, and Würtemberg

, than any member of a Cabinet had concen- and some of the larger Grand Duchies, such trated his ideas of Federal reform on a as the two Hesses, and that of the smaller more practical, though, as the result proved, States. It is the former who have persistnot on a more attainable object.

ently barred the way to every serious effort The attention of the Prince-Regent had, for the consolidation of Germany. Too during the spring and summer of 1859, large to die, too small to live, as was once been wholly absorbed by the work of mili- said of them by an orator in the Prussian tary preparation, both in Prussia and Ger- Chambers, they have never varied in their many, for what appeared to forbode a gene- policy of subordinating patriotic and naral European war. The mobilization of the tional interests to the maintenance intact of Prussian army had taught him the defects every attribute of their newly acquired sorwhích thirty years of peace had not failed ereignty. The smaller States, on the other to introduce into the organiation of so large hand, aware probably that there was notha force based upon such exceptional founda- ing in their size incompatible with an early tions. The mobilization of the Federal con- death, have on many occasions, when acting tingents had revealed to him in all its enor corporatively, shown a praiseworthy readimity the hopeless malformation of the Fed- ness to make sacrifices for the common

The sight of contingents differ- good. It was thus that in 1814 we saw ently armed and differently equipped, whol- them opposing themselves energetically to ly deficient in the military knowledge and the secessional tendencies of Würtemberg esprit de corps which only large armies can and Bavaria, and again in 1850 standing by possess, filled with the leaven of local prej. Prussia when the kingdoms either refused udices and local jealousies, and totally unfit to join the Union, or broke away from the to be massed into efficient and disciplined Union after they had joined it. Hence, in bodies, convinced him that the Federal 1859, it was the Middle States whose irarmy, as constituted by the treaties of Vi- terests appeared the most compromised by enna, was as rotten a concern as those ar- the overthrow of Austria, and in whose mies of the Holy Roman Empire which for ranks that overthrow caused the widest centuries had been the laughing-stock of consternation. Conscious of the active hosEurope.

tility they had displayed against Prussia in To carry out a comprehensive scheme of 1850, alarmed by the scheme now proposed reform in regard to the Prussian army, and by Prussia for the amalgamation of the in regard to the Federal army to endeavour Federal contingents, and magnifying in to realize the original idea of the Constitu- their terror the collapse of the power of tion of 1815, by making the defensive ap- Austria, they sought in a close alliance paratus of the Confederation a reality, amongst themselves, and by rallying the such was the moral which the Hohenzollern smaller States around them, to call into life of the day deduced from the year 1859. a compact and well-disciplined body, which To carry out the latter idea, he at once pro- should hold its own even without Austrian posed a scheme of reform for the military help against the ambitious projects of Prusconstitution of Germany, and endeavoured, sia on the one hand, and the rising both at the Diet and in the way of negotia- national enthusiasm on the other. It was a tion with Austria, but of course without revival of the Triad idea which had on success, to get it adopted.

various previous occasions cropped up to The following are the main features of the surface, and which was especially hate the scheme. For the one Federal army, to ful to the national party as being supposed come into existence only when a Federal to represent the French ideal of German war was imminent, were to be substituted reconstruction. The coalition which owed two Federal armies—à northern army its origin to these causes was later known under the command of Prussia, whose con- by the name of the Würzburg Coalition

, tingents should, in peace as well as during from the conferences of the allied States war, be incorporated with the Prussian being held in that town. Saxony and Baarmy, a southern army under the command varia were the soul of the movement

. of Austria, whose contingents should, equal- Such, in general outline, was the situation ly in peace and war, be incorporated with at the close of 1859. the Austrian army.

The Little Germans were the first in the As regards the attitude of the remaining field, and opened the campaign by the crea; States of the Confederation, we must call tion of the National Verein or National attention to an abiding difference between League, with the Constitution of 1849 for

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its banner. By its wide organization, and emnly to renew all the obligations of the the activity it displayed in the press and at Federal Acts of 1815–20, and only to public meetings, it soon attracted general amend those paragraphs which related to notice, and riveted upon itself the attention the Constitution of the organs of the Conof the Cabinets. By the Governments of federation. The Diet was to remain as conthe Middle States it was pursued with all stituted by those Acts, only that instead of the rigour of the reactionary laws against Plenipotentiaries 'named by the Governthe freedom of the press and the right of ments, the Ministers themselves of the seve public meeting which had been passed under eral States should meet, and give to the Federal inspiration. The liberal Govern- assembly the character of a ministerial conments, on the other hand,-Baden, Coburg- ference instead of that of a diplomatic conGotha, Weimar, etc., -openly avowed their gress. Instead of sitting permanently at sympathy with the objects of the League, Frankfort, it was proposed that the Reand began to move diplomatically in a like formed Diet should meet twice a year, for direction. In Prussia the Government ob- four weeks, alternately at Regensburg in served an attitude of official neutrality, but the south and at Hamburg in the north. the Lower Chamber expressed its strong When meeting at Regensburg, Austria sympathy with the movement, and of some should be the presiding Power; when meetof the Ministers at least it was known that ing at Hamburg, Prussia should preside. they were friendly to it.

Besides the Diet, which till then had been The next move was made by the Würz- the sole organ of the Confederation, two burg Coalition. It was nothing less than a new Federal institutions were to be called formal scheme of Federal reform, carefully into life,-a Directory, composed of Auselaborated by the Allied States, and sub- tria, Prussia, and a third State to be named mitted in their name by the Saxon Govern- by the remaining Governments, and an asment to the Austrian and Prussian Cahi- sembly of Delegates from the Chambers of

the several States. The circular transmitting the scheme, It is not necessary to enter into the deafter descanting upon the benefits which the tails of this scheme. Its objects come out German nation had for thirty years derived clearly enough when we bear in mind that from the Constitution of 1815, admits that the proposals of the Coalition were of the this Constitution had never succeeded in nature of a counter project to the promaking itself popular, and that it had now gramme of the National League. The delost all principle of vitality. The main mand for a popular element in the mechancauses of these undesirable results the cir- ism of the Confederation had become too cular sees in the unnecessary secrecy in general to be ignored by any scheme of which the proceedings of the Frankfort reform, from whatever quarter it might Diet had always been wrapped up, and in proceed; but whilst appearing to fulfil this the dilatoriness of its mode of doing busi- desideratum, the project of the Coalition ness, inseparable from the diplomatic char- for an assembly of delegates would, had it acter of the Assembly. In proposing a been adopted, have most effectually para. reform, however, care must be taken to lysed the objects proposed by the National avoid a revolution. The three desiderata party. The latter desired to place the cenof the National party—the Bundesstaat, the tre of political gravity in a national repreNational Parliament elected directly from sentation. The Coalition proposed to retain the people, and the Imperial Crown-are this centre in the Diet, that is, in the body children of the revolution. That Bundes- representing the Governments, and virtually staat would therefore be a revolutionary to confine the action of the proposed ascreation, and would not be the reform but sembly of delegates to a restricted legislathe dissolution of the Confederation. The tive field. The national programme propurely international character of the Union, posed a Parliament elected directly by the and the unshackled sovereignty of the sev- nation in the ratio of the population, i, e., a eral States, must be the immovable basis body in which the territorial distinctions upon which every plan of reform must be would have been obliterated. built up. But this does not preclude the gramme of the Coalition proposed to stereointroduction of popular elements into the type these territorial distinctions in the Federal mechanism, or the creation of effic- popular branch of the Legislature, by allotient organs to replace the present inefficient ting the franchise not in the ratio of popula

tion, but in the ratio of the individual The programme of reform was as fol- States. The assembly of delegates would lows:

have been a Parliament built up à priori, The high contracting parties were sol- on a basis of rotten boroughs, to the ex

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clusion of every other form of constitu- / would be to introduce the principle of dualency.

ism, and the dire results of such an innovaThe Prussian answer to the circular set- tion are illustrated by the disruption which ting forth this scheme emphatically accepts was apparently then going on between the the position that the German Confederation Northern and Southern States of the Ameriis an international alliance, and that this is can Union. Nothing, therefore, the Austhe character which has to be maintained. trian despatch concludes, will induce the It argues, however, that the evils that have Austrian Cabinet to this extreme limit of accumulated over Germany owe their origin concession, except the one counter concession to this character not having been maintain of the entrance of all her territories into the ed in its purity, and to the Confederation Confederation ; but even in such a case she having, from the day of its birth, under- would prefer an alternation, not between taken functions incompatible with an inter- | Austria and Prussia, but between Austria, national union. An association, four mem- | Prussia, and a third State, such as that probers of which (Austria, Prussia, Denmark, posed by the Federal Directory. If the and Holland) have an independent Euro- entrance of her non-German territories into pean position of their own, and therefore the Confederation is not conceded, she canthe centre of their political gravity outside not agree to the scheme as a whole, but she the mechanism of the association, cannot will be ready to discuss the proposal for the with impunity transgress the strict limits of assembly of delegates and other details. international intimacy, and enter into en. The reply of Prussia called forth amongst gagements trenching upon their rights of the States of the Coalition an outburst of internal sovereignty. But it is exactly in real or simulated indignation. Austrian aid this direction that the proposal of reform was invoked, and readily granted; and idenmoves. Though repudiating the term tical notes were shortly afterwards presentBundesstaat, it borrows essential elements ed at Berlin by the Imperial Government from that form of confederation, such as the and the States of the Coalition, protesting legislative body and the executive, and en- | in angry tones against the interpretation deavours to make them fit into the Staaten- placed by Prussia on paragraph 11 of the bund. Nothing will induce Prussia to fol Federal Act. To deduce from a paragraph low this lead. The only reform of the intended to accentuate the full sovereignty Bund in its entirety to which she will lend of the individual States the faculty of bring. her hand will be one that reduces it back to ing about an organic change which should its purely international character, and en- for ever limit these sovereign prerogatives

, deavours more effectually to carry out its and destroy the self-same right of alliance, primary object of a defensive association was a mode of interpretation without a against aggression from without. But parallel, etc., etc. whilst assuming this negative attitude in In a word, the Coalition placed Prussia regard to a reform that should extend over on the horns of the following dilemma : the whole Confederation, Prussia believes either she was in earnest in her project of that a wide field of improvement is open in bringing about the Bundesstaat-and if so, the way

of free association between mem- she was a revolutionary power bent upon bers of the Confederation. Paragraph 11 destroying the Germanic Confederation, of the Federal Act especially consecrates she was not in earnest, and in that case she the principle that the members of the Con- was a reactionary power, only using a prefederation are free to enter into alliances text to oppose all improvement and all reamongst themselves, so long as the objects form. of such alliances do not run counter to the The identical notes may be considered as fnudamental duties of the Bund. There is a declaration of diplomatic war against nothing to prevent the formation of a bona Prussia, in which from thenceforth Austria fide Bundesstaat within the Confederation in and the States of the Coalition were firmly virtue of this article.

united. The Austrian reply confines itself almost Before we consider the further episodes exclusively to the proposed innovation of of this war, we must notice the change of an alternation of the presidency of the Diet Government at Berlin, which marks the between Austria and Prussia. "It claims for third of the three periods into which we the Austrian right of presidency a character have divided the fifteen years which elapsed wholly different from that which had been between the battle of Bronzell and the batgiven to it in 1815. According to this new tle of Sadowa, viz., the formation of the interpretation, the Austrian Presidency of Bismarck Ministry. the Diet represented the principle of Ger- When M. de Bismarck took office, the man unity; to introduce the alternation Iconstitutional conflict between the King and


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