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Classic for Reading or Recitation.

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We

We believe in one God, the author of all exist* We believe in a general, immutable law, a law which constitutes our mode of existence; embraces the whole series of possible phenomena; exercises a continuous action upon the universe, and all therein comprehended. * * * As every law assumes an aim to be reached, we believe in the progressive development of all the faculties and forces of all living things. * We believe in Humanity the collective and continuous being that sums up and comprehends the ascending series of organic creations; the most perfect manifestation of the thought of God upon our globe. * believe that harmony between the subject and the law being the continuation of all normal existence, -the one and immediate aim of all endeavor is the establishment of this harmony in ever-increasing completeness and security through the gradual discovery and comprehension of the law, and identification of its subject with it. We believe in associa tion which is but the reduction to action of our faith in one sole God and one sole law and one sole aim-as the only means we possess of realizing the truth; as the method of progress; the path leading towards perfection. * *We believe in the liberty and equality of the peoples, without which no true association can exist;—in nationality, which is the conscience of the peoples, and; which, by assigning to them their part in the work of association, their function in humanity, constitutes their mission upon earth; that is to say, their individuality, without which neither liberty nor equality are possible; in the sacred Fatherland, cradle of nationality, altar and workshop of the individuals of which each people is composed. * ** As we

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believe in the association of the peoples, so do we believe in the association of the individuals of which each people is composed; we believe that it is their sole method of progress, the principle destined to predominate over all their institutions, and the pledge of their harmony of action. As we believe in the liberty and equality of the peoples, so do we believe in the liberty and equality of the men of every people, and in the inviolability of the human Ego, which is the conscience of the individual, and assigns to him his part in the secondary association; his function in the nation; his special mission of citizenship with the sphere of the Fatherland. *** We believe in the people of every state as the sole master, sole sovereign and sole interpreter of the law of humanity, which governs every national mission. We believe in the people, one and indivisible, recognizing neither castes nor privileges save those of genius and virtue. *We believe in the people, one and independent, so organized as to harmonize the individual faculties with the social ideal; living by the efforts of his own labor, united in seeking for the greatest possible amount of general well-being, and in respect for the rights of individuals. We believe in the people bound together in brotherhood by a common faith, tradition and idea of love; striving toward the progressive fulfilment of its special mission; * * forgetful of a truth once attained, but never sinking into inertness in consequence of its attainment; revering the Word of past generations, yet bent on using the present as a bridge between the past and the future. * God and His law, Humanity and its work of interpretation, progress, association, liberty, and equality; these, with the dogma of the People, are all united in our belief.—Joseph Mazzini.

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Further Suggestions to the Teacher.

A collection of the flags of most of the great nations can be found in any large encyclopedia, also in many of the War Atlases. Cut each one out and paste it separately on a sheet of cardboard, showing one after another to the pupils, telling them when it was adopted as the flag of that country and anything additional you may know about its history. Also explain the difference between a "national standard" and "national ensign." The pupils may be puzzled over the variety of the flags which certain of the countries in Europe may have. The points of this lesson have been rapidly sketched, but they should be developed more in detail. A great effort should be made to emphasize the importance of treating any piece of cloth with respect on which the national colors have been stamped. Touch on the importance of trying to have any flag of this kind in our possession kept neat and clean. In regard to what has been said concerning the holiday in connection with the name of Abraham Lincoln, try, of course, to avoid stirring any sectional feeling or arousing any sense of bitterness over the strife between the North and the South. As regards the song, "The Star Spangled Banner," we shall deal with it in a future lesson on "National Hymns and National Anthems."

CHAPTER XVI.

THE STATE AND CRIME.

MEMORY GEM-"It is the function of civil government to make it easy to do right and difficult to do wrong."-William E. Gladstone.

Dialogue.

It is not a pleasant subject that we are to talk about to-day; yet we must study it.

When a man breaks into a house in the night time and commits burglary, what do we call it? "Crime?" But why do we give it that name? Would the same kind of an act be called a crime everywhere in the world? "Yes, if it were burglary."

But we are not speaking only of burglary. We mean any kind of a bad act. Would it always be called a crime in every country in the world? "Not necessarily?" But why not?

"Because," you suggest, "the laws might not be the same in all countries of the world." The laws of what? "Why, the laws of the state."

You assume then, do you, that the state itself has something to say as to what is crime and what is not crime? "It looks that way," you admit.

Do you assert that the state or the government, for instance, Congress or whatever power makes the laws, is to decide what is right and what is wrong, by the way it deals with crime? "No, not by any manner of means," you insist. But why not? You have told me that the state is the power which determines what shall be considered a crime.

"True," you add, "but the state does not undertake to pass upon all kinds of wrong acts: then. too.

different states may prefer to deal with the same conduct in different ways."

which is not "You cannot

Can you suggest, for example, an act that we should all consider wrong and yet always declared a crime by the state? think of any?"

What about a lie, for instance? Do we not look upon that as wrong? "Yes, surely!" But does the state treat it as a crime? "Sometimes ?"

But not always? "No, not always," you admit. Can you tell me under what circumstances a lie would be regarded by the state as a crime? "Yes, a lie told in the courts, for instance.'

And what sort of a lie is that called, do you know? What does a person usually have to do when giving testimony in a court? "Take an oath that he will tell the truth?" Quite so; or at least what is called a "solemn affirmation," to the same effect.

And if a man tells a lie under those circumstances, do you know how the act is classed? "As perjury?" Yes. Perjury is a crime by the law of the state.

This applies not only to testimony in courts, as you know; but if a man takes an oath or makes solemn affirmation before an official of the state to a fact or a promise, and then has told a lie or broken the promise, he is guilty of perjury and has committed a "crime."

Now if a man tells a lie without having been guilty of what is called perjury, would it ever be considered a crime, do you suppose, and punished as such? "You fancy not?" Think now before you

are too sure.

What if a person should make up a very bad or an untrue story about another man's character and spread it abroad or publish it? That would not be described as perjury, although it would be lying. you think the state would not deal with such acts

Do

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