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upon him, that he could not divide against him. When he speaks for a war, it is very coldly, and in other places he takes care to destroy the force of what he said; in one place he tells us *, That we can reap little from a war, but the perils and losses with which it is like to be attended.' This is but a small encouragement to it. In another, he is afraid such a debt will be at last contracted,' and most of it abroad, as in time must impoverish and sink England †. What then must we do? Why, all Englishmen ought seriously to consider this reflection which Machiavel makes, That when a prince or commonwealth arrives at that height of reputation, that no neighbour, prince, or people, dares venture to invade him (unless compelled by indispensable necessity) he may do what he pleases. In all probability, says he, the French are now arrived to this formidable pitch of greatness, unless the Spaniards shew more courage than has appeared in any measures they have taken these last hundred years. If this be so, that the power of the French is grown too great to be rede-sisted, and we have no hopes but from the Spaniards taking good measures, we are in a very miserable condition. But hold, he shews us some hopes yet. If they can so prevail, as to make their young prince become a good Spaniard; if they can divide him from French counsels-if the quiet reception he is like to find, make French counsels, and French supports no longer necessary to him, those fears will be somewhat allayed, which we now labour under, but are there any hopes that it will be so? Yes, sure, very great; he gives us promising hopes of his person, and that a martial young prince, if he be endowed with any share of his grandfather's conduct and wisdom, may put Spain in a better condition than it has lately been, to oppose France in any attempts it may hereafter make upon the liberties of Europe.

O wonderful contrivance to serve his masters, and persuade England to lay aside all thoughts of war! Could be expect to do it by such little fetches as these, to scare a great and warlike people with his paltry representations of the power of France, or to lull a wise nation asleep with such a silly prospect of security? Yet this is one of the great machines which count Tallard the chief French engineer in England has made use of, not only to bomb great ministers, and every thing he has a mind to reduce to ashes, but to batter down all the strong holds and fortresses of our religion and liberties. This is he that is caressed by the great men of our own court; this is he that is employed to teach young gentlemen the business of the nation; who is to tell them in print a little before the session begins, what they are to do the next session. If this be our condition, that the weighty affairs of the kingdom must be managed by senators, who are to learn their wisdom from such a wretch as this, in charity

Ibid, p. 72.

the representatives of the freemen of England, labouring for that which of all things in the world France most desired, and would give any money for. Nor was this the voice of that party in the h--se alone, but all without doors who were of their faction, and all who had any biass to France, or the Saint Germain family, were every where industrious and noisy in decrying a war, and setting forth the inconveniences of it. But that which gave the melancholiest reflection of all, was to find that those who were thought to have the sole direction of public affairs, were in the same sentiments.

These spoke their minds freely upon that subject, as we have been told, so did their friends; and the saying of one gentleman in a great station to count Vratislau the emperor's minister, ought to be remembered: what their sense was, the author of the three essays told us before the parliament sat; the manner of his expressing it speaks it to be published with their allowance, and those who know his conversation with them, were persuaded it was. If any among us (says he) seem at present willing to embrace peaceful counsels, and to cline entering upon immediate action; it is not that they doubt themselves, or dread the adverse strength, or that their antient enmity to France is buried in oblivion. They are not so apprehensive of coping with any foreign strength, as they arc fearful they shall be compelled to enter into fresh couflicts with the enemies of England, whom they ad alme subdued, &c. Their ears can never endure the cries of the poor for want of work, &c.* It is a monstrous tenderness and compassion, which can endure rather to see popery and slavery display their banners in this land, than to behold the calamities which a new war must bring upon their country. If he can see how they can be kept out without a war, he sees things in quite another light than what any honest Englishman does. One would think he thought but slightly of the calamities of a war, when he tells us, that one of the greatest things to be dreaded in it is, that it will bring those men into play again, who never gave us the least suspicion of their being in any other interest than that of their country. It is very easy to perceive what his designs are, both in running down those men, and labouring to give us a dismal idea of a war but he and his friends tell us, that his book shews him to be plainly for a war. It was cunning in him to say something, for fear of falling under the rage of an injured nation; and it was policy to grant him a dispensation to do it, lest by being too plain in handling an odious subject, he might put it out of his power to do any service for the future. He seems sometimes to write for a war, but (which shewed his inclination) voted against it amongst the 161: he ought indeed, he said, to do other wise, but Ja-k H--w smiled so pleasantly


* Essays upon Balance of Power, &c. page 80, 81, 82.


Ibid, p. 77. † Ibid, p. 87.

in a very august assembly, just two days after that petition was delivered, that some things that were done, shewed that there was Fr-ch money in the case. But this was not all. Those gentlemen saw, as I observed before, that not only all the leading men of that party, which bore sway in the ho-se of com-us, but some leading men in the nation likewise, used all possible endeavours to drive people from the thoughts of war. This those gentlemen, and the bulk of the people, thought the greatest service that could be done to France, and that the certain consequence of that would be, that in a little time we must be content with what religion, what liberty, and what trade France would be pleased to allow us. This being their sense of things, it was a sufficient reason for them to do what they did. What a happy nation should we be, if others would imitate them in their zeal, and virtuous concern for the public! Now is the time for Englishmen to shew themselves. Things are brought to the highest crisis that ever was seen in Europe. France plainly designs the universal monarchy: it is war only can determine, whether she shall have it or no. If she prevail, our fate is manifest; we must come under the dominion of French popery and tyranny. If she miscarry, the misery and devastation which she will bring into her kingdom, will be greater than, perhaps, she may be ever able to surmount. In this case England will not only continue possession of her religion and liberties, but become the greatest nation in this western world. What our fate shall be, depends upon our management now. It is plain, that without a war we are undone, so we may be with it, if those who have the management of public affairs, should happen to be in the interest of the abdicated family, or common enemy, or should be under the old prejudices against the Dutch which were bred in the late reigns. We know what suspicions. we have had, and what grounds there were for them; this makes it absolutely necessary, that the nation represent itself anew, It would be very surprizing to see the present par-nt sit again, when a great party in it has given such umbrage to the nation; when they were thought (as far as it was possible for them to venture, without plainly discovering themselves, and becoming too notorious) to do all that France could desire to have done. If their conduct throughout the session was such as made it evident, that their address to the king, towards the latter end, was only designed to prevent their dissolution, or secure their election if they should be dissolved; it would be as strange to see this par-nt continue, as it will be to see some chosen again, if it should be dissolved. It is upon that election the fate of England depends: if care be taken to chuse persons, who love onr present Protestant settlement, and have no manner of bias to France; or the abdicated family, nothing can prevent the ruin of France, and England's being made a great and flourishing kingdom.

we ought to pray for them, in the language of our Saviour, forgive them, for they know not what they do; but for ourselves, in those which we write over the doors of pest-houses, Lord have mercy upon us. If he, who in times of the greatest danger, when it most nearly concerned France to try the power of her gold in England, has been highly courted by her Tallard, and given very great demonstrations of his zeal to gratify the ambition of that kingdom, can make himself an interest, not only to be protected in his insolencies, but to be courted likewise by a party, and besides all this, to have the honour conferred upon him, of being made the leader of the blind; it is easy to see what in a short time must be our doom: that between the management and conduct of men of too much intrigue, and too little understanding, we must fall under the dominion of French tyranny and popery. This the Kentish gentlemen thought they had reason to fear, would be the effect of the measures taken by our parliament, before they offered their petition. To descend to the particulars of their proceedings, which brought them under the so universal censure and displeasure of the people, would be too invidious an undertaking, and raise this little discourse to a much greater bulk than I designed. My intention is only to shew, that the gentlemen had reasons to offer their petition at that time. If one or two good ones are sufficient to justify them, and they may be taken notice of without any great offence, I must desire my reader to rest satisfied with my mentioning them. Matters that are nicer, and will not so well bear touching, I leave to be handled by men of more penetration, whose fears (I will not say concern) for the public are greater perhaps than mine are. If those petitioners were really persuaded that French gold had any influence in the management of public affairs, it was a sufficient reason for them to endeavour by such a petition, either to make the ho-se of com-s take other measures, or to dispose the other parts of the kingdom to follow their example. That they were of this persuasion, we have very good reasons to believe. We know what one of the five gentlemen said in a very public place, some weeks before the petition was offered, to sir Fr-cis Ch-ld, a member of parliament, concerning the inclination of the house of cs to serve the French king. It is not probable that that gentleman would have been so bold to speak openly, to a member who was intirely in the interest of that party which he suspected, words which the other called seditious, if he had not reckoned it a service he owed his country, in a very great and dangerous crisis. About the time they petitioned, this suspicion was grown so universal, that what a gentleman told sir Ed--rd Sey-r in Hampshire, near the time the parliament rose, that we were bought and sold, was the voice of the people every where. This jealousy must run very high, and there must sure be good grounds for it, when a very great lord could say,


A General Abstract of the RECEIPTS and ISSUES of the PUBLIC REVENUE, TAXES, and LOANS, during the Reign of his late Majesty King William; that is to say, from the 5th of November 1688, from which Time the Parliament appointed the said Accounts should commence, to the 25th of March 1702; being the first Determination of the Accounts after the Demise of his said late Majesty; which happened on the 8th of March preceding.



Customs besides Drawbacks, Damages, Salaries, &c.
Ditto from Christmas 1699 to the 1st of August 1706
Impositions on Linnen, Silk, &c. that ended 1st July 1690
Ditto on Tobacco and Sugar

Ditto on Wines and Vinegar

Ditto on East-India Goods, &c. from Christmas 1690

Additional Imposition on Merchandizes, and commenced 1st March 1692-3
to the 1st March 1696, thence to the 1st August 1706
New Duty on Coffee and Tea, &c. and ditto continued for paying Interest
of Irish Transports

Additional Duty on Brandy from the 1st March 1693-1
Tunnage Duty from 1st June 1694 and ending 17th May 1696
Duty on Coals taken off 17th May 1696
Duty on Glass and Earthen Ware as relating to the Coal Act
25 per Cent. French Goods

New Duty on Coals for 5 Years from 15th May 1693

58. per Tun French Ships, granted 12 Car. IL

22 per Pound East-India Silks

Plantation Ditty, granted 25th Ch. II.


Hereditary and Temporary Excise Neat
Low Wines, from 24th December 1690

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£. S. d.

- 4,285,697 1 6 934,923 8 04 143,880 9 65 1,374,232 17 8 1,750,388 15 7 1,801,906 2 91

501,120 2 0

105,203 11 31 22,691 7 OL 175,335 16 6 22,004 19 3 7,750 0 0 161,349 9 465,857

Arrears of Additional Impositions on Wine entered in 1639

New Subsidy of Tunnage and Poundage for two Years and three quarters
Additional Tunnage and Poundage from January 1699, for his Majesty's Life
Cinders 5s. per Chaldron

15 per Cent. on India wrought Silks and Muslins, granted 11 and 12 William

6 1 1,908 7 2 19,140 5 5 4,708 16 1,900 0 0 464,297 8 91 634,548 11 74

1,221 0 35 116,767 18 6

£. 13,296,833 14 6

Double Excise from 17th November 1690 to ditto 1691

Additional Excise of 9d. per Barrel, from Michaelmas 1689, appropriated
Additional Excise, viz. 9d. per Barrel, determined 24th July 1692, and double

9d. commenced 17th November 1691, ended 17th May

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Complements of Excise, 24d. per Barrel to 24th July 1692, and 30d. per
Barrel thence to the 17th November 1692

Excise for 99 Years in the Million Fund Act, from 25th January 1692-3 Imp. on Salt from 25th March 1694, 12d. per Bushel, granted 7 William, joined with Whale Fins, Scots Linnen, &c. granted 9 and 10 William for 8 Years, from 10th July 1698

9d. Excise, continued from 17th May 1697 for Million Lottery Tickets, thence for 16 Years


- 1,732,197 15 3

9d. Excise, made Hereditary from 17th May 1697 for the Bank, and An-
nuities for 1, 2, and 3 Lives, in lieu of 5-7ths and 3-7ths Tunnage
Duty on Malt, from 20th April 1697

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Additional Duty on Salt of 8d. from 25th March 1697 to 25th Dec. 1699 20d. per Bushel Salt from 1st July 1698 (for the East India Company) and Ed, from 25th December 1699

5,918,887 17 4 166,392 17


612,291 3 31

339,610 15 91

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Duty on Leather

Whale Fins, Scots Linnen, and Arrears of Glass Ware, &c.
Low Wines joined with Coffee and 15 per Cent. Muslins, by an Act 12 and
13 William

HEARTH MONEY, LETTER MONEY, &c. Hearth Money, besides Charges of getting in Letter Money, besides Charges of Management Small Branches and Casualties


Present Aid or Six Months Tax for 1689
First Aid for 12d. in the Pound for 1689

Second 2s. Aid for 989,965l. 19s. 6d. for 1700 1-3rd and 2-3rds of fourth 3s. Aid

2s. Aid for 1690

Additional 12d. for 1690

First Twelve Months Aid for 1691

Second ditto for 1692
First 4s. Aid for 1693
Second ditto for 1694
Third ditto for 1695
Fourth ditto for 1696
3s. Aid for 1697

Additional 12d. for 1697

Second 3s. Aid for 1,484,015l. 1s. 11d. over and above 229,696l. 4s. 10d.

transferred to pay Annuities to the Bank, &c. for 1698

Third 3s. Aid for the same Sum for 1699

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ending 1st May 1700

Subscriptions to the National Land Bank

Duties on Houses or Windows

Money or Plate at 6s. an Ounce for Malt Lottery Tickets
VoL. V.-Appendix.


12,012 13

£. 13,649,328 05

221,763 18 0 871,054 17 11 915,778 11 8

£. 2,308,597 7 8

4,914 496,108

- 1,015,732

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507,866 0 81

1,613,747 9 1,613,874 13 1,922,712 194 1,913,488 16 4

· 1,860,039 10 2

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Smugglers Fines to Michaelmas 1698

Exchequer Bills issued by Virtue of an Act for Establishing a Land Bank
Anno 1695 (158,5891. being repaid as per contra)

Joint Stock charged by Act of Parliament 1692, two Quarterly Payments
First Million Act in 1693, Annuities by 9d. Excise for 99 Years -

Fines and Rent on Hackney Coaches for 1694

Paper and Parchment Duties for 1694, continued to 28th of June 1698
New Duties on ditto for two Years, from the 1st of March 1698 -
Million Lottery or Contributions on Salt for 1694

£. S. d. 208,102 16


46,420 15 10

- 1,244,789 4


· 1,736,248 1 10


On the Tunnage Act by the Bank of England for 1694
On Annuities for 1694 for 1, 2, and 3 Lives for 300,000l.
Duties on Marriages, Births, Burials, &c. commencing 1st May 1695 and





1,188,021 18 1

1,431,771 6 8 951,066 6 5 859,051 15 21

£. 19,174,059 8 3


6,388 4 486,321 2 2 612,912 16 9 321,397 16 31

£. 2,557,649 7 7


418,646 10 11

19,500 0

159,173 1 43,219 O

288,438 2 11 23,059 7 1 239,958 7 11 579,178 11 2

934,512 17 1,200,000 300,000 0

1,000,000 0

41,150 0 205,566 1

17,813 8 94

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0 0

258,094 1 10 1,775 O 0 53,466 10

17,615 13



Additional Duty on Stampt Paper, made perpetual with Salt, for the East
India Company

Subscriptions of 2,000,000!. for East-India Trade

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Parchment and Paper Stampt Duties continued from 1698 to 1st Aug. 1706
Purchasing of Reversionary Annuities by several Acts of Parliament passed

in several Years

Duties on Glass and Earthern Ware

Licences to Hawkers and Pedlars

Duties on Marriages, Births, &c. continued from 1st May 1700 to 1st August 1700

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Letter Money overpaid in 1696

Surcharged on the Commissioners of Excise in 1697

Coinage Money from 1698 inclusive in the other Years placed with small

Tellers Malt Benefits in 1698

Imprest repaid in 1696 and 1699

Accompts of New Money from the Mint in Years 97, 98, and 99, in Aid of
2,599,7977. 14s. 10d. per contra, deficient at Michaelmas 1696
Poll Anno 1697

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To Anthony Lord Viscount Faulkland, late Treasurer of the Navy, for the Navy and Victualling

To the Earl of Orford, late Treasurer of the Navy, on the same Account

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To the Right Hon. Sir Thomas Littleton, Treasurer of
the Navy, on the same Account
ARMY.-For the Service of Ireland.
Mr. Harboard

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General Total

of the General Account of Money borrowed and repaid within the Time of this Account in several Years the Money borrowed exceeding the Money repaid in those Years respectively the Sum of 13,348,680l. 58. 10d. though in other Years the epaid exceeded the Money borrowed in those Years respectively the Sum of 3,341,9037. 8s. 8d. as per contra, which reduceth the Neat Money more than Repaid during the whole Time of this Account to 10,006,776l. 17s. 1d.


To the Treasurer of the Ordnance for Sea and Land Service

17,423 16 21

£. 7,581,305 18 11

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£. s. d.

3,851,655 1 04

- 1,073,228 12 74 Mr. Henly 4,560 0 74 Mr. Fox and Lord Coningsby - 2,775,806 7 91 To the Earl of Ranelagh for the Forces under his pay 18,164,951 14 0 To Colonel Hill, Governor of the Leeward Islands, for

his own Soldiers and Arrears

1,100 0 0

153,487 11 5 1,882,413 9 0 152,098 16 10

581,750 15 0 15,732 1 7 26,513 15 1

102 16 5 89,695 13 6

That Remained on the 5th of November 1688 in the Exchequer, in the Hands of the several Receivers


80,138 18 OK 4 £. 72,127,508 3 6

42,658 10 1 1,715 0 0 162,036 4 2


480,915 2 2

£. 58,698,688 19 8

184,656 17 11 50 0 0

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- 3,008,535 16 10 f. 41,848,383 16 51

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